The Great City of Texas
At the time of the Civil War Galveston was the largest city in Texas. Much of the state was still considered frontier territory and the time had not come yet for locations such as Houston and San Antonio. Galveston originated as a base of operations for the privateer Louis-Michel Aury, but soon the infamous Lafitte family from New Orleans took over. One of their most successful criminal enterprises was human trafficking. As Texas was part of Mexican territory and loosely controlled at that, the Lafittes were able to participate in the illegal slave trade with less intervention from the United State government. Even after Texas became an American state pirates continued to intercept slave ships in the Caribbean and sell their human cargo to Texas and Louisiana. The legal internal slave trade flourished as well, and Galveston boasted the largest slave market west of New Orleans. Since many slaves were involved in maritime businesses, slavery was enforced more rigidly than in other locations of the South. Heavier punishments and restrictions on the movement of blacks were necessary to prevent escape as slaves trained in ship work could would have the necessary skills to seize a boat and make for any number of Caribbean or Latin American countries where slavery was illegal. For a Southern city, Galveston also boasted an incredible number of immigrants. As a coastal city it was an ideal spot for people from Ireland, the German states, and other locations to enter the United States. By 1860 about 40 percent of the city’s population was foreign-born.[1]
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| Contrary to this popular cartoon representing the Union's naval blockade strategy, the mouth of the anaconda did not extend beyond Texas. In fact Texas was never fully cordoned because the waters of the Rio Grande River were shared with Mexico. Any effort to send warships up the river would have caused an international incident. |
Galveston joined the rest of the state in seceding from the Union. The Federal blockade arrived early on the afternoon of July 2, 1861. Like the rest of the Trans-Mississippi theatre, the Texas coast had fallen lower on the priority of the Union and Confederate war efforts. Despite its strategic importance, Galveston suffered no invasion for the first year of the war. The Union naval presence in the Gulf could not spare the extra vessels needed to support an invasion and occupation of the city. In fact, the blockade was so loose in this part of the sea that the few blockading ships tried to compensate with an aggressive stance. Unable to block blockade runners and other ships with a cordon, they had to chase and bag as many as possible. When possible, the warships converted their captures for blockade use.[2] Despite the few warships’ efforts, West Gulf blockade running flourished for a long time. Instead of going all the way to Europe, they could take shorter routes to Mexico and the Caribbean Islands. Union Admiral David Farragut, however, would not let this last. With operations on the Mississippi stalling at Vicksburg, he decided to tighten the head of the Anaconda around Texas. He naturally prioritized Galveston. The loss of Texas’ largest city would be a serious blow to the morale in the state and the Confederacy as a whole. It was also on an island, meaning that it could easily be occupied and defended. With Galveston as a base, the Federal navy would have a strong position with which to clamp down on the Texas coast. Galveston could also serve as a launching point for a landward invasion, and its facilities would be excellent for shipping out Texan cotton to the starving New England textile factories.[3]
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| Commander William Renshaw |
Farragut
tasked Commander William Renshaw with assaulting the city. Born in 1816,
Renshaw joined the navy in 1831. The Civil War saw him rise to the rank of
commander, but working at a desk job in Washington. He eventually found his way to the seas, where he provided good service in the penetration of the Mississippi
River.[4]
Renshaw prepared his small fleet for Galveston, choosing the Westfield, a veteran of the Battle of New Orleans, as his flagship.
The fleet set out and arrived at the city on October 3. The city’s defenses
proved inadequate to deter the fleet. Galveston once sported many guns placed
on three strategic points. These guns could have swept the harbor, but General
Paul Hebert, the current commander of Texas, decided to place the guns further
inland. Most of the guns in the seaward forts were “Quaker guns,” logs painted
to look like artillery. With these, alongside threats of a stout defense, the
defenders tried to bluff the Union fleet so they would have time to correct
their defenses and dig in. The Federal officers were not fooled and they bulled
into the harbor, overwhelming the paltry Rebel defenses with the firepower of
over 20 naval guns. Renshaw accepted a four-day truce in which civilians were
evacuated and the city surrendered.[5]
The abandonment of Galveston was a huge blow to Texan morale. An irate Governor
Francis Lubbock personally came to Galveston and started to urge its defenders
to retake the city. His most notable action at this point was purchasing
several boats and steamers for Confederate service, with an eye towards a naval
force that would challenge Renshaw’s fleet. Paul Hebert became one of the most
reviled persons in Texas and his replacement became imminent.[6]
Galveston was now open to occupation, and Texas to invasion.
The Occupation
The Federal occupation was tenuous. The navy sometimes sent marines into the city, but they could not hold on to anything. At best they were able to symbolically raise the United States flag over Galveston’s customhouse for about half an hour before returning to their ship. Forays in and around Galveston resulted in skirmishes with Texan cavalry. The Federals planned a major invasion of Texas. They even formed the U.S. 1st Texas Cavalry. This unit, led by Unionist Texan politicians, was primarily made up of German immigrants and Latinos. Men from these groups were more likely to not feel the secessionist fervor.[7]
Renshaw remained in command of the fleet, which consisted of the following ships. The Harriet Lane, a side-wheel steamer, was the favorite of the fleet. It had already served off the Texas coast chasing pirates in the 1850s. It had also served the more peaceful purpose of hosting royal Japanese dignitaries and the Prince of Wales. It had been positioned near Fort Sumter at the start of the war, and was the first ship in the U.S. Navy to fire a shot. The Harriet Lane later ran the gauntlet of fire at the Battle of New Orleans. The Clifton and Westfield were both New York ferryboats converted into warships. These ferryboats had considerable speed and maneuverability, and their strong decks enabled the placement of many guns. The smaller Corypheus was a captured blockade runner that participated in a naval assault on Corpus Christi during the summer. The Sachem was another small vessel that performed blockading duties. The Owasco was the final major vessel. It was a product of a “Ninety-Day” naval program in which gunboats of inferior wood were hastily constructed to temporarily boost the blockade and other operations while long-term ships were constructed. It provided much needed extra firepower to Renshaw’s fleet. Additionally Renshaw had command of several coal barks, small boats that carried fuel for the warships.[8]
On the Confederate side General Hebert was out. His mismanagement of Galveston’s defenses had made him very unpopular in Texas. Public outcry was so against him that the Confederate government had no choice but to replace him. The new commander was John Magruder. Magruder was a great contrast to Hebert. While Hebert was cautious and apprehensive to a fault, Magruder was theatrical and daring. Also, Hebert had graduated at the top of his West Point class, while Magruder had been ranked near the bottom. Yet history would be kinder to the latter. Magruder had started the war promisingly in Virginia, scoring one of the first Confederate victories at Big Bethel, Virginia. The following year, with only a few thousand men, he had used deception and theatrics to make a 100,000 strong Union Army halt in its tracks, buying valuable time for the Confederates to bring in reinforcements to protect their capital at Richmond. Magruder’s star faded when got entangled in the poorly run Seven Days’ Battles. Confused by contradictory orders and maps, he had led his men to a great slaughter at the Battle of Malvern Hill. Though many could share the blame for his heavy losses, he was among the generals sent away by General Robert E. Lee. He was sent west to try to command the forces in Texas. He saw that he had his work cut out for him. “On my arrival in Texas I found the harbors of this coast in the possession of the enemy, from the Sabine River to Corpus Christi; the line of the Rio Grande virtually abandoned, most of the guns having been removed from that frontier to San Antonio…” Magruder “resolved to regain the harbors if possible and to occupy the valley of the Rio Grande in force.” Magruder chose to personally oversee the retaking of Galveston. Upon his arrival he saw that Galveston’s forts had been rendered useless, as the Union ships were now operating in their rear. Magruder realized that soon the Federals would be landing more infantry and cavalry in Galveston. If he did not act soon, the war would be brought into the interior of Texas.[9]
The U.S. government and military was indeed finalizing preparations. The government appointed General Hamilton as military governor of Texas, a somewhat empty title considering the paucity of Texan land actually under Federal control. Farragut and Butler had insisted on posting several companies of infantry on Galveston’s wharves. Their purpose was to accept pro-Unionist Texas refugees and use them as soldiers or laborers. “The situation of the people of Galveston makes it expedient to send a small force there for the purpose of their protection, and also to afford such facilities as may be possible for recruiting soldiers for the military service of the United States.” The chosen unit was the 42nd Massachusetts, a fleshed out former militia unit that had not yet seen battle. Banks instructed the Massachusetts men not to risk any engagement with the enemy. They were to look first to their safety until a proper campaign against the mainland was organized.[10]
Companies
D, G, and I of the 42nd Massachusetts arrived on December 25.
Admiral Farragut had wanted the men put on Pelican Island, a sizeable island which
already had a barracks and could be easily protected by gunboats. There would
also be no way for the Confederates to make a landward assault. Renshaw,
however, though otherwise as there would be a constant need to bring in fresh
water. He instructed Burrell to position his men on Kuhn’s Wharf. Kuhn’s Wharf
was connected to the city via a 4000 foot long wooden wharf, so patrols could
be sent out for water and other essentials. It had a warehouse that could serve
as a main base. This would provide infantry cover for the gunboats and would
gain more of a foothold on the city. However the infantry would be more exposed
in the case of an attack. The men fashioned barricades both inside the
warehouse and at the head of the wharf. These were of timber, planks, and other
materials found in the warehouse, with bales of cotton prepared to plug in gaps
at times of attack. Much of the wharf’s planking was torn up to narrow the
approach to the island. Burrell estimated that the enemy force on the other
side of town numbered 2,000. At day the Massachusetts men dominated the city,
sending patrols into its mostly deserted streets. They looked for buildings
that would serve as troop quarters once the rest of the occupation force
arrived. At night they had to withdraw their pickets to the warehouse and Rebel
cavalry squads wound enter the city. They also had to deal with about 3,000
civilians, mostly women and children. Not wanting to indirectly supply the
occupiers, the Confederates on the mainland refused to allow any food to pass
through to these people, putting them in danger of starvation. Burrell hoped
that with the rest of his regiment he could take the rest of Galveston and
institute martial law, with the added humanitarian goal of dispossessing the
rich secessionists to feed the poor. In the meantime some of the soldiers sold
food to the women while gleaning bits of military intelligence from them.
Confederate patrols at night likewise received information from the
Secessionist civilians.[11]
Once they had enough men, the Federals planned to sever a railroad bridge
between Eagle Grove on the mainland and the city of Galveston. Confederate
artillery made the water channel leading to this point unfeasible and the infantry
could not make any move until the rest of their regiment arrived.[12]
Indeed the railroad bridge factored into Magruder’s daring plan to oust the
invader.
Sea Rangers
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| "Prince John" Magruder |
The bulk of Magruder’s force on water and land was made up of Texan veterans of the failed invasion of New Mexico. They had been ordered to head for Louisiana and were technically not obligated to partake in Magruder’s plan. Thanks to a lack of transportation, they could not go to Louisiana anyways. Colonel Thomas Green commanded the land force, which consisted of two regiments. Lining up the men, he told them, “I want 300 volunteers who are willing to die for Texas, and who are ready to die now. Volunteers will step two paces to the front.” As if it was a Hollywood movie, everyone stepped forward and the officers had to pick out their volunteers. Colonel A. P. Bagby requested that he take charge of the several hundred volunteers for the ships, which were commanded by Major Leon Smith. As the men were typically mounted in land operations, they were nicknamed the “horse marines.” The land force would be supported by all available artillery, including several heavy siege guns. Among the volunteers helping with the placement and later the manning of the artillery was John R. Baylor, the governor of Confederate Arizona (currently an empty title as that territory had been mostly reoccupied by Federals and Apaches).[14] The attack was scheduled for New Year’s Eve, not for any poetic purpose but because the tide in the harbor would be more favorable.[15] Up to the night of the attack, Magruder constantly sent out scouting parties to determine where each Union ship would be and what the nature of Kuhn’s Wharf’s defenses would be. He was utterly meticulous, having maps constructed so he could see which buildings would be best for positioning sharpshooters and artillery pieces.[16]
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| Leon Smith, a local veteran of the seas who was given command of the cottonclads. |
Federal
ships noticed four Rebel gunboats moving up the harbor. One naval officer
reported, “At this time the moon was shining brightly and objects could be seen
as considerable distance, but soon after the moon went down and it became hazy
and very dark.”[20] Around
4 a.m. a gun positioned in the Star Foundry (a building at the head of the
wharf), opened fire. The Federal pickets withdrew to the defenses in and around
the warehouse. Those in the warehouse ran out to man the barricades. The
exceptions were a few men worn out form days of work or simply lazy. One
groaned that the battle starting outside was “damned nonsense,” only to be
awakened from his lethargy when a Rebel shell caused everything around him to
shake. A regimental chaplain discovered two men hiding in an empty water tank
and dragged them out.[21]
With the land battle starting and the cottonclads severely behind schedule, Magruder wrote to Leon Smith
and the cottonclads. “I am off, and will make the attack as agreed, whether you
come up or not. The rangers of the prairie send greeting to the rangers of the
sea.”[22]
The Battle for Galveston
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The Confederates approached Kuhn’s Wharf with artillery and shelled the warehouse. The Federal ships responded on behalf of the Massachusetts men. They initially overshot their targets, hitting the city but none of the Confederate guns. Captain Sherive of the 42nd noticed this and yelled towards the Sachem, “Fire lower, and not so high.” The sailors actually heard him in spite of the din and distance. They lowered their fire and began to wreak havoc among the Rebels. “The crashing of walls and falling timbers, and a constant rain of bricks, mortar and roofing, as the shot and shell plunged through buildings, added to the crash of many hundreds of window panes, assisted to make the night hideous.” The Texans on shore agreed that the effect of the guns was tremendous. “…Thunder bears no analogy to the sounds that there met our ears – the ground on which we stood fairly quaked, as broadside after broadside was poured into the city.” Many civilians were in town to help out or to view the battle. Dr. Cupples, who volunteered his services at the convent, recalled that “the shells rushed and roared handsomely over us thankfully adding, “but though the houses were riddled by the shells and round shot, and some demolished by shells exploding in them, no citizen was hurt.”[23]
Renshaw directed the Westfield to chase and intercept the cottonclads. However the waters were too shallow and she ran aground on Pelican Island “where she lay useless throughout the fight.” The Clifton attempted to free her, but the land battle started and she assist the 42nd Massachusetts. She received fire from Fort Point. One report noted that the Confederates had been driven from this fort when the bay was captured, but the fort itself had not been leveled, an oversight which the Federals now regretted. Regardless, the Clifton was able to fire inside the fort. She sent the Rebels running out of the fort, “shelling them out and driving them up the beach as she neared the town.”[24] . Small arms fire from shore was strong enough to cause some trouble on the ship decks. Captain A.T. Spear on the Corypheus ordered his men to lay flat on their stomachs to avoid bullets from shore.[25]
To get onto the wharf while bypassing the barricades, the Texans waded into the water with scaling ladders. The height of the wharf proved “higher than anticipated” and the men now stood in the water with useless ladders. Before dawn the Rebels attempted one assault along the bridge. Sharpshooters provided covering fire for the assailants. One group managed to get a gun into an enfilading position. The defenders drove off the gunners before their line could be swept. Supported by naval fire, the Federal artillery hit the attackers with musketry, grape shot, and canister. They repelled the Texans. The Confederates were directed by General Scurry “to cover themselves and fire from the buildings nearest this wharf.” Many of their artillery pieces were silenced as the gunners were forced to flee for cover. Scurry soon had to order the withdrawal of the artillery as well.[26] The Confederate assault had failed, and the Texans feared that the battle was completely lost. One volunteer soldier remembered that “every man’s countenance looked as long as a hoe handle.”[27]
A detailed map and timeline from the Houston Chronicle.
Finally, Bayou City and Neptune, the former captained personally by Leon Smith, entered the fray. They steamed up to both sides of the Harriet Lane. The Texan volunteers opened up a crossfire with their rifles and shotguns, inflicting a few casualties. A few tried to board the Federal steamer. Some fell short and landed in the harbor. Those who made it to the deck were driven off. One black sailor, Nick Wheeler, grabbed a pike and impaled a Rebel through his stomach. The point of the pike emerged between the back of the man’s shoulders and Wheeler had to shake him off into the harbor. The Owasco joined the battle and used its rifled guns on the Neptune. The battle took place in a narrow channel, and the Owasco could not get close enough to the Harriet Lane to provide better support without running aground. It instead resumed bombarding the shore with its howitzers. The Neptune collided with the Harriet Lane. Texans fired at the Union sailors, but their ship now made an easy target for the Owasco. The Neptune disengaged, only for the Harriet Lane to blast a hole near her bottom. The Neptune started to sink, finding safety only by getting to shallow water. The Harriet Lane then shot out the wheelhouse from Bayou City and followed up with an ineffective broadside. Leon Smith made another pass with Bayou City and again the Texans fired onto the deck of the Harriet Lane. Leon Smith then ordered a ramming attack. This entangled the two ships. Fire from the “sea rangers” killed Captain Wainwright and mortally wounded his subordinate Lieutenant Commander Edward Lea. Each received five hits, the former suffering instant death when a bullet sliced through his brain. Smith personally led a boarding assault which prompted the surrender of the Harriet Lane’s crew.[28]
The Owasco attempted a rescue. The Texans turned the interlocked ships into a floating fortress. They took cover and sniped at the Owasco’s gun crews, causing enough trouble to force its withdrawal.[29] The cottonclads were now stuck in the middle of the harbor. With dawn arriving, Magruder called for a truce. He sent a party towards the Westfield to meet with Commander Renshaw and demand the Federals’ surrender. Seeing white flags raise on some of the Union boats, Burrell sent his Adjutant Charles Davis onto the Owasco. Davis was to ask for the evacuation of the 42nd by the ships. On the wharf the Union soldiers took advantage of the respite to look in on their possessions. The warehouse had been riddled by bullets at the start of the battle and they found their knapsacks and drying clothes full of holes. One private grabbed a boat to start the retreat, but so many bullets hit his small craft that it sank.[30]
The Mary Boardman came up to the Westfield in an attempt to drag her off. Commander Renshaw believed his flagship could not be saved and intended to blow it up. The captain of the Mary Boardman insisted that he wait, that the remaining Federal ships could protect it until the tide rose and enabled its escape. Renshaw was adamant in his decision and the Westfield’s crew and supplies were transferred to the Mary Boardman. At 10 a.m. the turpentine soaked ship was set afire and the “magazine immediately exploded, tearing the bow of the vessel open and blowing her to pieces to the water’s edge.” The explosion occurred earlier than planned. Renshaw and some of the other officers were descending a ladder onto another boat when the blast engulfed them, killing them all. The Mary Boardman proved to be overburdened and much of the Westfield’s rescued equipment had to be thrown overboard into Galveston’s waters.[31] Commander Richard L. Law took over and decided to evacuate the bay. He reasoned his only formidable ship remaining was the Owasco. He did not believe it could resist a Confederate assault with the added power of the Harriet Lane (an ungrounded fear as the Harriet Lane was badly damaged, alongside the Confederate cottonclads. This meant the three companies of the 42nd Massachusetts would be abandoned and indeed they surrendered.[32] The Confederates tried to mount a pursuit. Their guns fired in vain at the faraway ships. Their only available ship was the John F. Carr, a steamer lacking even the improvised cotton armor. It could not build up speed fast enough to catch the Federals before it itself would lose the cover of the guns on the coast and had to stop.[33]
Magruder
angrily pointed out that the other Federal ships had used the flag of truce to
escape, a “violation of military propriety.” Controversy arose over who
violated the treaty first. The Federals claimed that Scurry broke the truce by
firing at the ships (one report claimed “without intermission”). Magruder said
the Confederates were the first to fire after the truce was declared, but only
because the Federal ships used the cover of the truce to escape. Also the 42nd
Massachusetts, unable to see the white flags, had not stopped firing and Scurry
had to respond in kind. As soon as they saw the flags the land battle stopped.
The official history of the 42nd Massachusetts claims that the
Federals did try to join the ceasefire by tying handkerchiefs to their bayonets
and waving them, but these efforts were not noticed. Colonel Burrell of the
surrendered 42nd Massachusetts graciously claimed that Scurry and
his men could not see his white flag through the mix of morning fog and battle
smoke.[34]
Another Federal charge was that the Confederates took advantage of the truce by
moving their artillery into better positions and also by towing the Harriet Lane towards shore.[35]
Spear of the Corypheus reported to
his superiors that he had been ordered to spike his guns and sabotage his ship,
and then use boats to get his crew out. He instead asked that he be allowed to
escape with his whole ship. This was granted and he reportedly waited until the
white flags were withdrawn to make his move.[36]
Regardless of who is more to blame, it is doubtful that the Confederates could
have actually stopped a withdrawal of the enemy fleet with what they had.
Though disappointed, Magruder realized he had scored a tremendous victory. He
proclaimed days later, “I have beaten the enemy out of Texas. I made my Texans
famous as Rangers of the sea as well as of the land.”[37]
The Port Restored
Losses among the Union navy were 5 were killed and 16 wounded. The Owasco suffered 1 killed and 16 wounded, and the Westfield suffered 13 reported as missing, though many of these men were rightly guessed to have been killed by the premature explosion. In addition to capturing the Harriet Lane, the Rebels also seized the Elias Pike and Cavallo, “two barks loaded with coal.” Excavation teams brought the Westfield’s guns “uninjured” from the bottom of the harbor.[38] The 42nd Massachusetts’ loss, aside from the full capture of nearly 400 men, was 2 killed and around 20 wounded. Magruder first wrote down his losses as 25 killed and 50 wounded, but in a more detailed report put them at 26 killed and 117 wounded.[39]
The wounded of both sides were taken to the Ursuline convent. The convent was a prominent building and had been shelled by the naval guns until, at Magruder’s urging, a yellow petticoat was refashioned into a flag and raised to indicate it was a hospital. The makeshift flag worked. The patients of the hospital were effusive in their praises. The nuns treated Union and Confederate alike without distinction. This equal display of compassion even extended to a few wounded blacks, a mix of Union sailors and fugitives. Unfortunately other Texans were not so gracious. Blacks who were working as servants for the 42nd Massachusetts were sold into slavery and those who were sailors were put in prison like criminals.[40] There was a more heartwarming story. As it turned out Albert Lea, a Tennessean engineer of Magruder’s staff, had a son named Edward who had chosen to stick with the Union. Albert Lea found his son mortally wounded on the Harriet Lane, able to meet him one last time before his death. One of Edward’s last words were “My father is here.”[41] Captivity for the Massachusetts men was not altogether unpleasant. They were able to sell extra clothing for high prices to desperate civilians, and then use the money to supplement their diet. They also enjoyed the sight of the large Texas prairies, a novelty for New Englanders.[42]
The Union was initially unaware that they had lost their foothold in Galveston. Cambria, carrying the long-awaited remainder of the occupation force, approached Galveston on the 3rd and sought out a pilot to navigate the harbor. She met a smaller local boat, whose pilot offered to guide them through the bar to the city. Some of the Unionist refugees on the Cambria felt that something was off about the pilot and were even more suspicious when they saw excited commotion on the city’s wharves. After some interrogation it was learned that the pilot was a Secessionist trying to lead them into captivity. The Cambria turned around. In fact a team of six men had already departed the Cambria in a boat and approached the Harriet Lane, shocked to learn that they were now on a Confederate ship.[43] Among the six prisoners were two members of the Union 1st Texas Cavalry. One, Thomas Smith, was hastily tried and executed for deserting a Confederate battery and previous acts of theft and arson. The other, Joseph Cronea, was simply lynched for unknown reasons, perhaps simply for having chosen the Union above Texas.[44]
The Union commanders tried to figure out what went wrong and who to blame. Banks was quick to accused Governor Hamilton and the navy. “It was supposed that the fleet made the occupation of the part of the island adjacent to the gunboats perfectly secure.” Banks claimed that the soldiers acted poorly in regards to Galveston’s civilians. He had notified General Hamilton of their conduct, but he did not correct the soldiers’ behavior. No other evidence coorborates this charge. He also accused Hamilton of impatience, of rushing the soldiers into a dangerous position at Galveston.[45] Farragut was irate at the defeat, believing it to have been entirely unavoidable. “…There was no justification for either the destruction of the Westfield or for the abandoning of the Harriet Lane to her fate, and ultimately leaving the harbor. The enemy was evidently worsted, but as a ruse, aided, I fear, by the want of courage or fidelity on the part of the acting master from the Lane…” The number of deaths and wounded on the Harriet Lane had been exaggerated by the press, which insisted on a heroic last stand to soothe the bad news. However there were enough men to contest the Leon Smith’s boarding party and both cottonclads were in no better shape than the Union ship. By contrast Farragut praised captains and crews of the schooners Sachem and Corypheus for their bravery and determined support of the 42nd Massachusetts. Though ordered to destroy and abandon their ships, they instead steamed them out of the harbor. Farragut promoted Acting Master Spear to an officer in the Navy.[46]
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The CSS Denbigh, one of the blockade runners that benefitted from the liberation of Galveston. |
Bibliography
Bosson, Charles P. History of the Forty-Second Regiment Infantry, Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862, 1863, 1864. Boston Mills, Knight & Co., 1886.
Cotham, Edward T. Battle on the Bay: The Civil War Struggle for Galveston. University of Texas Press, 1998.
Frazier, Donald S. Cottonclads! The Battle of Galveston and the Defense of the Texas Coast. Ryan Place Publishers, 1996.
Girardi, Robert. “Prince John Magruder in Texas” in Confederate Generals in the Trans-Mississippi, Vol. 2. University of Tennessee Press, 2012.
Hobbs, Alexander, Alexander Hobbs U.S. Civil War Diary (1862-1863)
https://scholarship.rice.edu/jsp/xml/1911/26591/1/aa00363.tei.html#div029
https://www.houstonchronicle.com/news/houston-texas/houston/article/Battle-of-Galveston-saved-Texas-from-Union-4158740.php accessed January 13, 2021.
Noel, Theophilus. A Campaign from Santa Fe to The Mississippi Being a History of the Sibley Brigade from its Organization to the Present Time. Shreveport News Printing, 1865.
Schmidt, James. Galveston and the Civil War: An Island City in the Maelstrom. History Press, September 4, 2012.
United States. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies Vol. XV. Washington D.C. 1886.
United States. Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies Vol. XIX. Washington D.C. 1905.
Winfrey, Dorman
H. “Two Battle of Galveston Letters.” The Southwestern Historical Quarterly Vol. 65, No. 2 (Oct.,
1961), pp. 251-257.
[1] James Schmidt, Galveston and the Civil War: An Island City in
the Maelstrom, (History Press, September 4, 2012), 9-11; Edward T. Cotham, Battle on the Bay: The Civil War Struggle for
Galveston, (University of Texas Press, 1998), 1.
[2] Schmidt, 18, 21; Cotham, 32.
[3] Donald S. Frazier, Cottonclads! The Battle of Galveston and the
Defense of the Texas Coast, (Ryan Place Publishers, 1996), 17-19; Cotham,
3-4.
[4] Frazier, 26.
[5] Schmidt, 24-25; Frazier, 27-30.
[6] Cotham, 67-68.
[7] Frazier, 31-32, 35.
[8] Cotham, 58; Frazier, 40-43,
126-127, 130-132.
[9] United
States, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of
the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies Vol. XV, (Washington D.C. 1886), 211-212;
Robert Girardi, “Prince John Magruder in Texas” in Confederate Generals in the Trans-Mississippi, Vol. 2, (University
of Tennessee Press, 2012), 82-83.
[10] OR XV, 201-202; Cotham, 74.
[11] OR XV 204,
206-209; Charles P. Bosson, History of the
Forty-Second Regiment Infantry, Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862, 1863, 1864, (Boston Mills, Knight & Co., 1886), 70-71,
74-75, 78; Cotham, 83; Alexander Hobbs, Alexander
Hobbs U.S. Civil War Diary (1862-1863),
(https://scholarship.rice.edu/jsp/xml/1911/26591/1/aa00363.tei.html#div029),
19.
[12] Bosson, 75-77.
[13] OR XV, 212-213; Frazier, 48-50.
[14] OR XV, 210, 212-213, 218;
Frazier, 57; Schmidt, 28; Theophilus Noel, A
Campaign from Santa Fe to The Mississippi Being a History of the Sibley Brigade
from its Organization to the Present Time, (Shreveport News Printing, 1865), 41.
[15] Schmidt, 28.
[16] Cotham, 110.
[17] OR XV, 214.
[18] OR XV, 218.
[19] Boson, 84, 87-88.
[20] OR XV, 202.
[21] Bosson, 89-91.
[22] Frazier, 92.
[23] OR XV, 206-207, 209, 213-215,
217; Dorman H. Winfrey, “Two Battle of Galveston
Letters,” The Southwestern Historical Quarterly Vol. 65, No. 2 (Oct., 1961), 254;
Bosson, 93; Noel, 42.
[24] OR XV, 202; United States. Official Records of the Union and Confederate
Navies Vol. XIX, (Washington D.C. 1905), 449; Frazier, 64-65.
[25] ORN XIX, 438.
[26] OR XV, 206-207, 209, 213-215,
217; Bosson, 93.
[27] Cotham, 121.
[28] OR XV, 215; ORN XIX, 439-440,
448; Bosson, 101; Frazier, 75.
[29] Frazier, 77.
[30] Hobbs, 29; Bosson, 97.
[31] OR XV, 202-203, 209.
[32] ORN, 449-450.
[33] Frazier, 83.
[34] OR XV, 210-211, 216, 222-224;
Bosson, 107; Cotham, 122-123.
[35] ORN XIX, 449.
[36] ORN XIX, 438.
[37] Schmidt, 47.
[38] OR XV, 200, 210; ORN XIX,
440-443, 466.
[39] OR XV, 210-211; 216.
[40] Schmidt, 39; Frazier, 91.
[41] Schmidt, 40.
[42] Hobbs, 32-34.
[43] OR XV, 205-206, 219.
[44] Schmidt, 43.
[45] OR XV, 201-202.
[46] ORN XIX, 447, 451; Cotham, 133.
[47] OR XV, 219; ORN XIX, 438,
451-452; Kevin Dougherty, Strangling the Confederacy: Coastal Operations in the American Civil War, (Casemate Publishers, 2009), 142-143.
[48] Frazier, 102-104.
[49] Schmidt, 52.
[50] Schmidt, 63-65, 67.
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