If you have not read the first half, look here.
Below are two images from reenactments of the battle. I doubt they recreate the massacre for family audiences.
Final Push
On
the Union left Companies C and I, 1st Kansas Colored, saw about a
hundred men in blue coats pass along their front. They assumed they were from
the 2nd Kansas Cavalry as well as sharpshooters from the 18th
Iowa. They were soon corrected when hundreds of Confederate cavalry appeared
alongside them Cabell had ordered Crawford, who to this point had only
skirmished, to move all of his available men forward. Gibbons “immediately
ordered the men to fire, which was kept up for a few minutes only, but with
such effect as to check the enemy’s advance.” Among the men commended in
Gibbons’ report was First Sergeant Berry, a black officer who urged his men to
think of freedom and hold their place.[1]
Gibbons ordered his men 60 yards back. They fired a volley, but made another withdrawal when they saw the rest of the regiment in retreat. Crawford’s Confederates “moved rapidly and steadily forward, firing volley upon volley” at the black troops. Gibbons attempted to mount his horse. He tripped on his saber halfway up and the horse “became scared and dragged me about 5 yards.” His infantry left him behind and he was left alone against the on-rush of screaming Rebels. “I need not say I mounted quick and rode away quicker.”[2]
By
this point the Confederates were closing in on three sides. Cabell led the
brunt of this assault from the east with his two brigades and Greene’s from
Marmaduke’s division. The addition of Greene’s men was much welcome. Cabell and
Crawford’s men, already having fought for hours, let the reinforcements take
the lead. Greene’s soldiers cheered and advanced through burning timber “and a
dense smoke.” The 1st Kansas was now in a full withdrawal. The
withdrawing Federals only had two choices. They could abandon the wagons or
they could stand and fight, which would result in their captivity (and likely
many deaths based on the Confederate reaction to the black troops). Since
either scenario saw the 198 wagons in enemy hands, obviously they chose to at
least maintain their freedom.[3]
The
18th Iowa was now in the thick of the fight, trying to cover the
retreat of the 1st Kansas Colored. “The Eighteenth Iowa maintained
their line manfully, and stoutly contested the ground until again nearly
surrounded…” They not only had to beat back the Confederates from the right,
but the enemy center was advancing into their left flank. Greene again charged,
his men giving out the cry, “Here’s your mule!” It was around this time that
the Federals began to notice that the Confederates were going out of their way
to kill wounded blacks.[4]
Lieutenant
Gibbons met with his two companies, along with elements of other units, by a
fence. In only a few moments mounted elements of the Confederate cavalry would
leap the fence and cut off his retreat, so he ordered everyone to make a run
for the left of the 18th Iowa. He hoped to reform the men and extend
the Iowans’ line. When he reached them on horseback they were already leaping another
fence in retreat. Gibbons and some of the rank-and-file came up upon one of the
guns. It had been limbered, but it was stuck against a tree. Gibbons directed the
rescue of the piece, but it shortly ran against a tree again and one of the
horses fell injured. Lieutenant Haines ordered the horses cut loose and mounted
while he spiked the gun.[5]
The
1st Kansas Colored also tried to make a few stands. In his report Major
Ward commended the men for fighting and retreating in relatively good order
despite the heavy loss of officers. Running low on ammunition, they fished for
cartridges among the dead and wounded. They also tried to bring back as many
wounded as possible. At this point they could see the Confederate soldiers gun
down any wounded black soldier they came across. One defiant soldier, lying
mortally wounded, bit into the leg of a passing Confederate. Another Rebel
crushed his skull with the butt of his rifle.[6]
The
700 plus Choctaws were among those who threatened to cut off the Union force
where the wagons were parked. Colonel Tandy Walker “feared here that the train
and its contents would prove a temptation too strong for these hungry,
half-clothed Choctaws, but had no trouble in pressing them forward, for there
was that in front and to the left more inviting to them than food or clothing –
the blood of their despised enemy.” Williams’ force consisted of Indian
Territory veterans, and these had targeted the civilian property of
pro-Confederate Indians. One Choctaw officer, Lieutenant William Murphy
Cravens, actually tried to spare a black youth during the heat of battle, maybe
with the intention of turning him into one of his slaves. He left him with a
fellow Choctaw and pressed on with the others to continue the attack.[7]
The
Federals retreated further onto Lee’s Plantation. The 1st Kansas
made their final stand by, of all things, a string of slave cabins. This
covered a retreat across “a ravine which was impassable for artillery.” The 2nd
Arkansas Cavalry was closing in with a mounted charge. Lieutenant Haines also
saw that the only thing standing between the enemy cavalry and his vulnerable artillery
pieces was just one 2nd Kansas cavalryman. The gunners spiked their
pieces while the cavalry covered the infantry’s retreat. The Union soldiers
escaped via a swamp. However, the badly wounded were not able to come with
them. Gordon’s 4th Arkansas Cavalry from Cabell’s brigade took one
of the Indiana guns while McMurtey’s Arkansas Battalion from Crawford’s brigade
seized the two howitzers. According to Tandy Walker’s report one of his men,
Private Dickson Wallace, was the first to find the other abandoned Federal gun.
He hopped on its barrel and “gave a whoop, which was followed by such a
succession of whoops from his comrades as made the woods reverberate for miles
around.”[8]
Marmaduke
ordered his final mounted reserves forward in hopes of capturing the rest of
the defeated Union force. Maxey countermanded his orders, however, fearing that
by this point Steele’s force, “known to be greatly superior to us in numbers,”
might strike at them from Camden. They were only ten miles away and would have
heard the booming of artillery. Indeed they had. General Thayer had the rest of
his cavalry saddled and all ready to come to Williams’ rescue, but Steele would
not give the go ahead. After the Battle of Poison Spring Thayer and his
subordinate officers would criticize Steele for his inaction, even getting
their criticisms circulating among the Northern press.[9]
The Federals were utterly routed. They had put up a good fight, however. The
battle had lasted four hours from 10 AM to 2 PM.[10]
The Confederates appreciated what was a clear victory. Cabell exulted, “It was
a continuous huzza from the moment the command to charge was given to the close
of the fight.”[11]
However, one of the few major Confederate victories west of the Mississippi has
been tainted by what occurred in its aftermath.
The Massacre
There is no illustration of the Poison Spring Massacre. Here is an image
of Confederates slaughtering black prisoners at Fort Pillow, Tennessee.
Massacres
of black Federal soldiers occurred many times throughout the last half of the
Civil War. To Southerners the arming of blacks was tantamount to servile
insurrection. Through the lens of their ideology, it confirmed their fears that
Abolitionists were planning to destroy the South by stirring up and arming
blacks. To them the brutal execution of black soldiers was not the killing of
legitimate prisoners of war, but the suppression of a rebellion, albeit a
larger one. This time they also had white officers to kill. Pro-slavery advocates
had long insisted that events such as Denmark Vesey’s aborted revolt and Nat
Turner’s rebellion were actually the brainchild of Abolitionists who got into
the susceptible minds of inferior blacks. They now had visual representations
of this phantom menace. What makes Poison Spring stand out among the massacres
is the colorful way in which it was executed. Following is a summary of how the
massacre unfolded and what extra motivations the perpetrators held.
During
the final moments of the battle the Confederates began their massacre of black
soldiers. It was obvious enough to bear some mention in Federal reports. The
killings continued well after the battle had concluded. Confederate battle
reports frequently mentioned hundreds of blacks killed. However, they failed to
explicitly state that a massacre had taken place. One could interpret that they
had simply killed a large number of the enemy and forced their retreat. As
discussed earlier the reports inflated the number of the enemy and also how
many were killed (a common tactic among battle reports to help out the writing
officer’s career; reports often listed 400 dead blacks, twice as much as were
actually killed). This was possibly done to disguise the fact that less than
500 troops held off three Confederate brigades for two or three hours. It could
also be interpreted to mean that the blacks had simply fought to the death or
been mowed down while retreating.
If Confederate battle reports did not explicitly state that a massacre took place, some of the few surviving letters did so. One Arkansas soldier, whose name is unknown since the signature is missing, took special care to note the presence of blacks in the battle:
I have said Fed yes of deepest dye negroes. I think there were 10 negroes killed to one white Fed. Just as I had said before, they made the negroes go in front and if the negro was wounded, our men would shoot him dead as they passed and what negroes that were captured have, from the best information I can obtain, since been shot. I have seen enough myself to know it is correct our men is determine not to take negro prisoners, and if all of the negroes could have seen what occurred that day, they would stay at home.[12]
Another Arkansan expressed a somewhat sympathetic view, albeit in a qualified sense. He thought they should have been spared and returned to the supposedly benign system of slavery.
We rode over the field after the fight, and when we beheld so many stalwart negroes weltering in their gore, we could not suppress a sigh over their hard fate - the poor dupes of a miserable set of fanatics and demagogues. Would it not have been better, could we have captured these able-bodied men, to have taken them back to the interior and put them to hard work – light work compared to the burthens of their present taskmasters?[13]
One
cause for the massacre is the make-up of the Confederates who carried it out.
The 29th Texas Cavalry was present at the battle. Its unexpected
rout at the Battle of Honey Springs was thanks to the 1st Kansas
Colored. Losing the battle, and likely their flag as well, to a regiment of
ex-slaves would have been a great source of embarrassment to white southerners.[14]
As they went about the field looking for wounded blacks to finish off, they
gloated, “Where are the First Niggers now? Cut to pieces-gone to hell-due to
poor management!”[15]
The
Choctaws also had vengeful reasons to participate in the massacre. While they
shared their white allies’ racial views of blacks and slavery, they had a much
more understandable motive for committing the atrocity. In his battle report,
Colonel Walker gleefully noted the defeat of the colored troops. He called them
“the ravagers of their country, the despoilers of their homes, and the
murderers of their women and children.” There is no concrete evidence that the
1st Kansas Colored directly harassed American Indian families,
though their victories would have displaced Confederate allies. The Choctaws
likely mixed personal vengeance with their own racial views of blacks and
slavery when carrying out the murders.[16]
Their
behavior towards wounded black soldiers was the most morbid. They scalped and
stripped their bodies. They then buried dead white Federals in graves. For
their headstones they placed a black corpse buried to the waist. For the
footstones they half-buried other dead blacks, these with their legs sticking
up out of the ground. One white Confederate stumbled upon another gruesome
display. Three white officers from the 1st Kansas were scalped,
stripped, and placed face down (a sign of dishonor to the Choctaws), and ringed
by a circle of black corpses.
The
Choctaws also got their hands on the few prisoners actually collected. All of
these “are said to have disappeared from among the prisoners. They have gone to
join their companions lying at Poison Springs.” Lieutenant Cravens searched for
the boy he had captured for himself. He found the guard, but not the youth.
When he asked where he was, the other Choctaw informed, “White man shoot him
up.” Overall, the Choctaws’ behavior impressed their white allies. One in the 2nd
Arkansas Cavalry wrote, “You ought to see Indians fight Negroes - kill and
scalp them.”[17]
Local citizenry acquired the soldiers’ awe of the Choctaws.
One slaveholding woman who served as a nurse in the following days complained
that her servant would not protect her hogs from hungry Indians because,
hearing of the massacre, he feared they would kill any black man for any
inconvenience.[18]
A soldier
in the 30th Texas, C.T. Pidcock, wrote, “The Indians were turned
loose just about the time our Brigade had them whipped. Gentlemen of the
colored race suffered. The Choctaws killed every nigger & stripped
everything both black and white.” Pidcock said that some would see this as an
atrocity, “but I cry bully for the Choctaws.”
He
claimed that the blacks had barged into houses, robbed them, and abused the
children, though this was really done by the white Kansas cavalry. Even then there
is no description of children being abused in the surviving evidence. Pidcock
finished his summary with, “I no longer wonder that the war in Arkansas is war
to the knife.” (emphasis in original letter)[19]
Colonel DeMorse similarly mentioned the stolen goods, though he did not link
them to the heavy numbers of killed black soldiers. He reported that when his
men came upon the wagons, they found them “laden with corn, bacon, stolen
bed-quilts, women’s and children’s clothing, hogs, geese, and all the et
ceteras of unscrupulous plunder, was found…” This was a convenient excuse for
going off on the Federals.[20]
Cabell’s
Arkansans also found unique ways to express their hatred for the colored
troops. Ordered to move the many captured wagons, some purposefully drove them
over dead and wounded blacks. For years after the battle, Confederate veterans
candidly, if exaggeratedly, claimed to have slaughtered hundreds of blacks and
taken none of them prisoner. At the time word of the massacre spread through
the ranks and became a common point of interest in letters home, one soldier
telling his mother that “our cavalry cut off a supply train near Camden
capturing over two hundred wagons and killing nearly a whole regt of negroes.”
However, they rarely went into the more horrifying details of how this was
accomplished.[21]
Much
of the information about the Poison Spring Massacre comes from Federals who
managed to escape. Some of the wounded colored troops feigned death by lying as
still as possible. Once night fell they undertook the laborious task of
crawling in the direction of Camden. Once far enough from the victorious Confederates,
those who were able walked. However, thanks to their untreated wounds, they
often had to stop and rest in the tall grass. Poisonous snakes slithered about
this vegetation at night and added to the soldiers’ misery by biting them. By
the time they finally reached Camden, “their bodies were horribly swollen from
the effect of the poison which had spread through their systems.”[22]
One
soldier, only able to crawl, did so for three miles before white soldiers from
the similarly routed 18th Iowa found him and carried him along.
Another got to Camden all on his own despite a bullet’s puncture of his left
lung. Though it was dark, these survivors found Camden by the sound of
drumbeats, purposefully given to guide them to safety. Colonel Williams had a
particularly colorful, possibly embellished, tale. Along with a small group
from his regiment, he spent the afternoon of April 18 trekking through the
Arkansas woods. They came upon a
clearing and he cautiously rode out to see what was there. It was a cotton field,
where 30 slaves were working. They were surprised to see a blue-clad officer
stride into their place of work. An elderly slave told his fellow laborers to
keep working as normal and not attract the overseers’ attention towards the
Federals. Williams went up to him and the slave asked, “Golly, massa, what you
doing here?” He then pointed to a road and warned that “dese woods is full of
confeds; one whole arm just go down dat road!”[23]
As
the survivors filed in, men from Steele and Thayer’s other units gathered
around to hear horrifying tales of murder and mutilation. Some of the Camden
citizens listened in as well. While the Federal soldiers received the tales
with somber or horrified expressions, some of the citizens expressed happiness
in their personal writings that the black soldiers had been battered.[24]
One officer from the battle personally approached Steele and asked, “Great God!
Why didn’t you send us reinforcements?” The
citizens in and around Camden quickly referred to the battle as the Poison
Spring Massacre.[25]
The
fate of the few living black prisoners is varied. John Campbell from Cabell’s
brigade wrote, “On the following day, the colored prisoners were taken a little
distance from camp and hung.” Some were sent back into slavery in Texas.
Another, with an arm “shattered by a fragment of shell,” was saved by
Confederate surgeons who wanted to see if they could sever the mangled arm off
right at the shoulder. The colored trooper lost an arm, but kept his life.[26]
On the 19th the victors marched back to their original locations.
They spent most of the next few days meeting the Federals in very limited
actions.[27]
Casualties
Initial
reported losses for the Federals were 92 killed, 97 wounded, and 106 missing.
In his summary Williams put the killed and missing together, accounting for
unfortunately true reports that most of the latter were among the former. The 1st
Kansas Colored Volunteers suffered 117 killed/missing and 65 wounded. 7 out of
13 officers were killed or wounded. This was an unusual ratio, as usually the
wounded far outnumbered the dead. Captain John R. Graton of Company C recorded
15 killed against 4 wounded, nearly 4 deaths to every 1 wounded. Overall the 1st
Kansas suffered 182 casualties out of around 500 men, nearly 40% of their
available regiment and about 60% of all the Federal casualties for the day.
The
18th Iowa’s losses were nothing to sniff at considering it fielded
only 383 men. It was 59 killed/missing and 21 wounded. Based on Cabell’s
report, the missing were, at least for the most part, living prisoners. Cabell
reported, “The number of killed of the enemy was very great, especially among
the negroes. You could track our troops by the dead bodies lying on the
ground.” Morgan’s regiment from his brigade reported killing 80 blacks and
taking 35 prisoners (notice the differentiation between “blacks” and
“prisoners”). Of the 62 prisoners Cabell took, 58 were white. This accounted for
the missing among the Iowan numbers.[28]
The
2nd Kansas Cavalry suffered 15 killed/missing and 6 wounded; the 6th
Kansas Cavalry 3 killed/missing and 1 wounded; and the 14th Kansas
Cavalry 9 killed/missing. The 2nd Indiana Battery’s loss was not as
heavy as Williams’ report appeared to make it with 1 killed and 4 wounded.
Overall 204 were killed/missing and 97 wounded for a total of 301. This was out
of a force of 1,170, an incredible casualty rate of 25%. Williams further
lamented, “I was forced to abandon everything to the enemy, and they thereby
became possessed of this large train, two 6-pounder guns, and two 12-pounder
mountain howitzers.”[29]
Confederate
losses were significantly lower, and out of a larger force. Casualties for
Cabell and Crawford’s cavalry brigades were not listed by regiment. Cabell
suffered 6 killed, 35 wounded, and 7 missing while Crawford’s men lost 1 killed
and 7 wounded. From Maxey’s Division the 29th Texas lost 1 killed, 4
wounded; 30th Texas 1 killed 5 wounded, 31st Texas 1
killed, 3 wounded, Welch’s company 6 wounded, and Krumbhaar’s Battery 6
wounded. Tandy Walker’s Indian brigade lost 3 wounded in the 1st
Regiment and 4 killed, 7 wounded in the 2nd Regiment. Greene’s
brigade suffered 2 killed and 11 wounded. Overall the Confederates listed their
losses at 16 killed, 88 wounded, and 10 missing for a total of 114 casualties.[30]
End of the
Camden Expedition
The
loss of the wagon train near Poison Spring was a serious blow to the Camden
Expedition. With none of the corn delivered, the Federals now had to resort to
reserves of hardtack. The one bright spot was a pair of mills in Camden with
which the soldiers were able to produce cornmeal. On April 20 some relief
arrived when a wagon train successfully made it from Pine Bluff.[31]
However, another of Steele’s foraging teams then also met disaster at the
Battle of Marks’ Mill. Fagan’s cavalry division descended upon a team of 240
wagons and over 1,000 soldiers. They killed about a 100 soldiers and captured
most of the others. Also, according one white soldier, they slaughtered half of
the 300 accompanying blacks. These were not even armed men, but personal
servants and teamsters. Even serving the Union in a non-combat role could be a
death sentence for a former slave. Slaves who ran to the Union Army to drive
their wagons and cook their meals could sometimes be considered insurrectionists,
like those who took up arms.
While
Confederate cavalry stifled Steele’s attempt to supply his army, reinforcements
came up from Richard Taylor’s army to the south. The Federals’ situation was
growing ever more dicey.[32]
Low
on rations, Steele was likely already considering abandonment of his campaign
when the Confederates received reinforcements. Kirby Smith personally arrived
with thousands of infantry, evening the numerical odds against a
largely-starved foe.[33]
The final battle came at Jenkins Ferry on April 30. Kirby Smith, now with his
whole force, struck at Steele at the Saline River. The battlefield was tight,
ringed by the river, bluffs, and a swamp to the north. The Federals also tore
down timber to construct breastworks.
A screencap from the Battle of Jenkins Ferry's brief depiction at the start of Lincoln (2012).
It gets the wet, muddy appearance right and also shows the 2nd Kansas Colored in action.
Hours
of furious fighting saw gunsmoke combine with fog to create a nightmarish
vista. Kirby Smith proved unimaginative in his tactics, throwing his men
against Federal lines in head-on and costly assaults while Sterling Price
likewise mismanaged his infantry. The 1st Kansas Colored was
present, but did not enter combat. However its sister regiment, the 2nd
Kansas Colored, worked to avenge them, albeit against Confederates who were not
at Poison Spring. Under Colonel Samuel Crawford, these black soldiers shot down
the horses of a Confederate battery and then leveled their bayonets. They
roared, “Poison Springs!” and charged right into a Confederate battery. A
vicious hand-to-hand fight ensued in which the black soldiers showed no
quarter. They bayoneted surrendering gunners, the 29th Iowa arriving
just in time to save the battery’s commanding officer and a few others. One
black soldier bashed in the head of an already wounded Rebel with the butt of
his musket. One of the Iowans asked him what he was doing and the negro replied
“he is not dead yet!” The Iowans tried to restrain the 2nd Kansas
Colored’s rampage, but one of them noted in a letter home, “the rebs cannot
blame the negroes for it when they are guilty of the same trick both to the
whites and negroes.” The battle ended with the repulse of Smith’s army and
Steele was free to escape to Little Rock. The 2nd Kansas was not
finished yet. They scoured the battlefield, looking for wounded Confederates to
kill. The favored method for finishing off the disabled Texans and Arkansans
was to slash their throats with their bayonets. Others cut off ears.[34]
The
failure of the Camden Expedition had major consequences for the war in the
Trans-Mississippi. With the loss of 2,500 men, as well as hundreds of wagons
and mountains of food, the Union army found its grip on Arkansas weakened and
retreated from several towns to strengthen the rest of its position. The Confederates
felt emboldened in their spirits, to the point that later in the year they
would attempt a series of large raids in Arkansas, Indian Territory, and most
famously in Missouri.[35]
 |
| A commemorative plaque at the battlefield |
Historian Mark Christ explains that Poison Spring’s “bloody aftermath” remains a subject of debate, “with some seeing it as a massacre spurred by racial animosity and others viewing it as a continuation of a war that had grown increasingly savage.”[36] What is certain is that it further escalated the scale of violence within the American Civil War, especially in the Trans-Mississippi. The Poison Spring Massacre prompted a retaliatory massacre at Jenkins Ferry. It should be noted that this event occurred only 6 days after the much more infamous Fort Pillow Massacre in Tennessee, where famed Confederate cavalry commander Nathan Bedford Forrest let his men kill over 200 surrendering blacks as well as Tennessee Unionists. After what was their most furious battle, the 1st Kansas Colored would be more lightly engaged for the remainder of the war. However, some among them would experience another racially motivated massacre at a site of one of their previous victories.
Sources
Britton, Wiley. The Union Indian Brigade in the Civil War.
Kansas City: F. Hudson Publishing Co., 1922.
Castel, Albert. General Sterling Price and the Civil War in
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Christ, Mark K.
“’War to the Knife’: Union and Confederate Soldiers’ Accounts of the Camden
Expedition, 1864.” The Arkansas
Historical Quarterly Vol. 73, No. 4 (Winter 2014), 381-413.
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“‘To
let you know that I am alive’: Civil War Letters of Capt. John R. Graton, Fist
Kansas Colored Infantry Regiment.” The
Arkansas Historical Quarterly Vol. 78, No. 1 (Spring 2018), 57-80.
Christ, Mark K.
(ed.). All Cut to Pieces and Gone to
Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and the Battle of Poison Spring.
Little Rock: August House, 2003.
Johnson, Ludwell
H. Red River Campaign: Politics &
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Johnston, James
J. (ed.) “Reminiscence of James H. Campbell’s Experiences during the Civil War. The Arkansas Historical Quarterly Vol.
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Smith, E. Kirby.
“The Defense of the Red River” in Battles
and Leaders of the Civil War Vol. IV. New York: Century Company, 1888.
Spurgeon,
Ian Michael. Soldiers in the Army of
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Unit. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014.
Warner,
Ezra. Generals in Blue: Lives of the
Union Commanders. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 1964.
United States. The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies Vol. XXXIV. Washington
D.C. 1894.
Urwin,
Gregory J. W., ed. Black Flag over
Dixie: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War.
Southern Illinois University Press, 2005.
[1] OR XXXIV, part 1, 755-756.
[2] OR XXXIV, part
1, 755, 799.
[3] OR XXXIV, part 1, 750, 791, 828.
[4] OR XXXIV, part 1, 745, 750.
[5] OR XXXIV, part 1, 756.
[6] OR XXXIV, part
1, 753-754; Gregory J.W. Urwin, “Poison Spring and Jenkins’ Ferry: Racial
Atrocities during the Camden Expedition” in All
Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and the Battle
of Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 122.
[7] OR XXXIV, part
1, 848-849; Spurgeon, Army of Freedom,
219.
[8] OR XXXIV, part 1, 745-746, 757,
791, 799, 849; Spurgeon, Army of Freedom,
213.
[9] OR XXXIV, part 1, 819, 842;
Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 216.
[10] OR XXXIV, part
1, 746.
[11] OR XXXIV, part 1, 791-792.
[12] Quoted by Mark
K. Christ, “Who Wrote the Poison Spring Letter?” in All Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and
the Battle of Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 99-100.
[13] Quoted by
Gregory J.W. Urwin, “Poison Spring and Jenkins’ Ferry: Racial Atrocities during
the Camden Expedition” in All Cut to
Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and the Battle of
Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 124-125.
[14] Frank Arey,
“The First Kansas Colored at Honey Springs” in All Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and
the Battle of Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 91.
[15] Ronnie A.
Nichols, “The Changing Role of Blacks in the Civil War” in All Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and
the Battle of Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 73.
[16] OR XXXIV, part
1, 849.
[17] Gregory J.W.
Urwin, “Poison Spring and Jenkins’ Ferry: Racial Atrocities during the Camden
Expedition” in All Cut to Pieces and Gone
to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and the Battle of Poison Spring,
(Little Rock: August House, 2003), 125; Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 219; Gregory J. W.
Urwin, “’We Cannot Treat Negroes…as Prisoners of War’: Racial Atrocities and
Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas” in Black Flag over Dixie: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War, (Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 136.
[18] Gregory J. W. Urwin, “’We Cannot Treat Negroes…as
Prisoners of War’: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas”
in Black Flag over Dixie:
Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War, (Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 135-136.
[19] Mark
Christ, “War to the Knife,” 408.
[20] OR XXXIV, part 1, 849.
[21] James J.
Johnston (ed.), “Reminiscence of James H. Campbell’s Experiences during the
Civil War, The Arkansas Historical
Quarterly Vol. 74, No. 2 (Summer 2015), 160; Gregory
J. W. Urwin, “’We Cannot Treat Negroes…as Prisoners of War’: Racial Atrocities
and Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas” in Black Flag over Dixie: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War, (Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 135;
Mark Christ, “War to the Knife,” 391.
[22] Britton, Union Indian Brigade, 372.
[23] Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 216-217.
[24] Gregory
J. W. Urwin, “’We Cannot Treat Negroes…as Prisoners of War’: Racial Atrocities
and Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas” in Black Flag over Dixie: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War, (Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 134.
[25] Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 216; Gregory J. W.
Urwin, “’We Cannot Treat Negroes…as Prisoners of War’: Racial Atrocities and
Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas” in Black Flag over Dixie: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War, (Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 135.
[26] Johnston,
“Reminiscence of James H. Campbell’s Experiences during the Civil War,” 160;
Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 220.
[27] OR XXXIV, part 1, 826.
[28] OR XXXIV, part
1, 792.
[29] OR XXXIV, part
1, 746, 753; Mark K. Christ, “‘To let you know that I am alive’: Civil War
Letters of Capt. John R. Graton, Fist Kansas Colored Infantry Regiment,” The Arkansas Historical Quarterly Vol.
78, No. 1 (Spring 2018), 66.
[30] OR XXXIV, part
1, 786.
[31] Johnson, Red River Campaign, 187-188.
[32] Thomas A.
DeBlack, “An Overview of the Camden Expedition” in All Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and
the Battle of Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 22-23; Gregory J. W. Urwin, “’We Cannot Treat Negroes…as
Prisoners of War’: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas”
in Black Flag over Dixie:
Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War, (Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 142.
[33] Castel, General Sterling Price, 179.
[34] Johnson, Red River Campaign, 197-200; Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 223-224; Gregory J.
Urwin, “Poison Springs and Jenkins Ferry” in All Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and
the Battle of Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 180-181; Mark Christ, “War to the Knife,” 397-398; Gregory J.
W. Urwin, “’We Cannot Treat Negroes…as Prisoners of War’: Racial Atrocities and
Reprisals in Civil War Arkansas” in Black Flag over Dixie: Racial Atrocities and Reprisals in the Civil War, (Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 144.
[35] Thomas A.
DeBlack, “An Overview of the Camden Expedition” in All Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The Civil War, Race Relations, and
the Battle of Poison Spring, (Little Rock: August House, 2003), 26.
[36] Mark Christ, All Cut to Pieces and Gone to Hell: The
Civil War, Race Relations, and the Battle of Poison Spring, (Little Rock:
August House, 2003), 10.
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