Camp Finegan
Once
enough of his army had landed, Seymour led a force out of Jacksonville on February
8. Gus Henry’s Mounted Infantry, the only mounted force, would of course be the
advance guard. Those in the 54th Massachusetts, who had been happy
to leave fatigue duties at Charleston, were disappointed to learn that they
would be staying behind on garrison duty for the moment. They entertained
themselves by making a lot of noise in an attempt to make their regiment look
larger to any Confederate partisans in the area. They were also pleased to find
the civilians getting much friendlier than they had been during the landing.[1]
Seymour’s
first target was Camp Finegan, the largest concentration of Confederate forces
at that moment. The Rebels had destroyed all the bridges, so the Federals forded
the stream instead. The mounted men led the way, surprising and capturing six
pickets. In 10 minutes they were nearly upon the camp. Colonel Henry used a
local guide, Mr. Alsop, to bypass the camp and strike an artillery camp at
Pickett’s Station.[2]
 |
| Colonel Guy Henry. His 40th Massachusetts Infantry was constantly at the forefront of the Florida Expedition. |
The Confederates in the artillery camp, under Captain Joseph Dunham, were unaware of the danger. Outside, Henry formed his men for an assault, nearly surrounding the target, then said, “If ever you yell in your lives, boys, yell now!” The horsemen shouted to the calls of bugles. It was past 11 PM and most of the Confederates were already sleeping. A sergeant awakened Dunham, shouting, “Save yourselves if you can; the enemy is right upon you!” The captain yelled at everybody to grab horses, mules, or carriages, and flee to Baldwin. The Union riders entered the camp firing “their carbines and slashing with their swords shouting surrender you Rebel sons of bitches.” A Major Stevens gunned for a telegraph operator. An train was expected to arrive soon and the telegraph operator was determined to warn it away. “Major Stevens walked into the room and seized the fellow by the throat as he was on the point of sending another message. In a few minutes his instrument was knocked to pieces and the wire cut.” The Massachusetts riders quickly captured many Confederates, along with a few pieces of artillery. Much of the camp’s men escaped through the one opening, a system of swamps.[3] Henry’s men advanced further to Baldwin, driving off more Rebels and capturing more goods.[4]
Back
near Camp Finegan, Seymour’s infantry marched through a cedar forest with water
3 to 10 inches high. One officer lost his pistol and had to comb the water, in
the dark, until he found it. The infantry discovered and “gobbled up” Lieutenant-Colonel
Abner McCormick’s pickets (2nd Florida Cavalry) before they could
raise the alarm. The commander of the several hundred men at Camp Finegan,
McCormick, had just heard of Henry’s column near Pickett’s Station. He
obviously did not have the manpower to defend the place against the mounted
Federals, much less Seymour’s full force. McCormick had slipped away just in
time. The Federals found 200 slaves, which a soldier in the black 1st
North Carolina was pleased to say were now “free from the chains and fetters of
the slaver.” One actually assisted in the capture a Confederate officer. A
poor-looking soldier came into camp saying that he had been forced into the
rebel ranks. The black recognized that it was actually a captain, taking up a
disguise to slip away from the Federals. Upon his revelation the Federals ran
down and captured the officer. At 2 in the morning, the new occupiers of Camp
Finegan lay down to sleep. Their rest was disturbed when Confederate partisans
attacked their pickets. This fight was brief, but did keep the invaders on
their toes.[5]
The windfall for the Federals was substantial and a huge loss to the Confederate Floridians:
The rebel camp was filled with fat turkeys, chickens, ducks and geese; and as soon as arms were stacked the order to charge hen-coops was given, and the soldiers soon swept away all poultry from before them until the feathers flew in all directions. Such a cackling and gobbling was never before heard in eastern Florida, and the rebels secreted in neighboring swamps must have enjoyed the midnight serenade, to say the least. The camp was abandoned in great haste. We found hogs hanging up just dressed; kettles of beef steaming over the fire; plates of warm hominy and liver on the table; and papers and books strewn about in every direction. Rebel officers hardly stopped to dress, and left coats and swords behind for the dreaded Yankees.[6]
One
artillerist, William H Trimmer, was captured by mounted Federals while hiding
in grass. His captors dragged him to a hotel and before General Seymour
himself. Seymour asked what he was doing hiding. Trimmer said he was hiding
after the camp had been captured. After some further talk, Seymour said,
“Sergeant, you seem to be an intelligent fellow. If you will take the oath, I
will turn you loose.” Trimmer answered, “I am no fellow, General. Our negroes
are fellows.” “Well said. You are an intelligent man. Here, take the oath. “I
have taken one oath to support and defend the Confederacy. Surely you do not wish
me to violate that.” Seeing that he could not dissuade Trimmer from his cause,
the general said, “Well, I shall send you North.”[7]
Seymour’s strategy had so far largely worked, keeping the Confederates on edge and capturing important points. Unfortunately the 97th Pennsylvania’s sabotage of the railroad west of Baldwin had failed to trap any train he could use. Gillmore personally arrived at Baldwin on February 9. One of Seymour’s staff officers, Gustavus Dana, complained that the two generals kept them up at night with their talking. He overheard them discussing the merits of the expedition, which indicated that they had doubts about the purpose and efficacy of Florida Expedition:
I judged by what I heard that neither general had much faith in the success of the expedition and that it was purely a political move, intending to drive the rebels to the west side of the Suwannee River, giving us the whole east part of the state which was to be protected by gunboats patrolling the Suwannee & St. Mary’s river, and thus enabling the larger part of the state to have a vote in the coming presidential election.[8]
Further
north Major Galusha Pennypacker conducted raids along the Georgia border, in
fact crossing over to cut the telegraph line between Savannah and Tallahassee. His
men also captured the guerilla leader Captain Wilds. The prisoner insisted that
he was not Wilds. One of his now free slaves happened to be present and said,
“You tink [sic[ I don’t know you when you own me so long.” Against this
testimony he had to confess his true identity. Some of Pennypacker’s men
decided to wear captured Confederate uniforms for fun. This foolish playfulness
nearly resulted in friendly fire when Federal gunboats spotted them and took
aim. Somehow the sailors learned the truth and held off. Pennypacker’s raiders
would operate successfully until events at Olustee necessitated a withdrawal to
Fernandina.[9]
St. Mary’s Fork
to Lake City
An image of Barber's Plantation from Harper's Weekly.
On
the 10th the 40th Massachusetts Mounted Infantry, with
the 115th New York following, encountered 150 Confederate cavalrymen
(2nd Florida Cavalry) under Major Harrison at St. Mary’s Fork, near the abandoned Barber's Plantation.
Harrison’s men were under-armed, some not having any firearms at all, but he
was determined to challenge the mounted Federals. Four of Henry’s riders, in
advance, “had just passed a sharp turn in the road…when a half dozen reports
were heard, and three of the four fell from their saddles, shot by a rebel
force ambuscaded in a strong position beyond the stream.” The skirmish was in
favor the Rebels. Firing from bushes, stumps, and other cover, they gave the
advance guard a “hot fire.” The Federals’ counter fire was ineffective, and
they could not get closer because the nearest bridge had been destroyed. Henry
called back his men and organized for a big fording push across the stream
Unable to find a suitable place, he ordered two companies to dismount and fight
as skirmishers. Elder’s Horse Artillery deployed on “a little hill in front of
Barber’s house.” Further attempts to find a ford failed, but some of Henry’s
men were able to find a bend in the stream and produced an enfilade fire. This
dislodged the Confederate defense. According to one report the Massachusetts
men suffered “25 killed and wounded, inflicting but slight loss upon the enemy,
who disappeared in the woods unmolested.”[10]
 |
| A Harper's Weekly depiction of the skirmish. |
Henry continued on to the next major target, the enemy supplies at Sanderson. As usual the Confederates had set anything they could not carry on fire. The target of the flames this time was “a large stock of cotton and resin at the railroad depot.”[11] The 115th and 48th New York, 7th New Hampshire, and two guns also departed Saint Mary’s South Fork for Sanderson. Before they got there, the withdrawing Confederates further burned 1,500 bushels of corn. Governor Milton was justifiably panicked by the progress of the enemy in his state. On the 10th he wired Secretary of War James Seddon for 5,000 reinforcements, with the dire warning, “Without prompt help all will be lost.”[12] A few units within the state were also finding it difficult to consolidate with Finegan’s main force. Elements of the 2nd Florida Cavalry found that the mounted Federal infantry had been outpacing them. This prevented them from linking up with Finegan and also placed them within Union-held territory. Captain Winston Stephens, in charge of Company B, wrote his wife, “I don’t know if we will be able to get out without being captured…We are having hard times and plenty of it."[13]
On
the 11th the Federals advanced for Lake City. At 9:30 Henry’s
Mounted Infantry found Finegan’s force arrayed for battle. They dismounted and
the two sides skirmished until the Federals withdrew. Henry found the enemy
works around Lake City too imposing for his force. With their skirmishers
delaying the Federals, the Georgians and Floridians had grabbed rails lying
about in the woods and constructed breastworks with them. “From them they could
see our boys and the Yankees as they fought from tree to tree, flanking first
on one side and then on the other.” Some of the Georgians were new recruits,
and unnerved by the sound of minie-balls whizzing by. One, Walker, “was lying
at full length on the ground with his rifle cocked and pointing over the rails
and trembling like a leaf.” The 40th Massachusetts withdrew back to
Sanderson.[14]
In
addition to Henry and Pennypacker’s efforts, other Federal units also conducted
raids. These traveled through the bayous and swamps in hopes of surprising
bands of Confederate partisans. Gunboats patrolled the rivers and lobbed shells
into the woods. The Federals kept an eye on the railway and identified lumber
and timber mills for future seizures.[15]
So far the Florida Expedition had penetrated 50 miles inland, captured or
destroyed 1 million dollars’ worth of enemy property, and driven back the enemy
in every skirmish, capturing many in the process.[16]
The Florida Expedition was shaping up to be a grand success, but its field
commander was beginning to have doubts.
Waffling
In
a letter to his fiancé, Lieutenant McCrea of the 1st US Artillery
described the conditions of campaigning in Florida. “We have been subsisting
almost entirely on the country and find it very slim living. We have named this
camp ‘Camp Misery’ because we are halting here in the rain without anything to
eat, either for ourselves or our horses. I find that campaigning is not done
here as it is in the Army of the Potomac, with system and order.”[17]
Though no major battles had been fought, the Federals were starting to feel their
hard marching.
Though making progress, Seymour believed that any great movement forward would be a mistake, especially after the 40th Massachusetts’ skirmish with the town’s defenses. The logistical situation was also not entirely favorable. He expressed his concerns to Gillmore. “I am convinced that a movement upon Lake City is not, in the present condition of transportation admissible…” He also felt the expedition needed more manpower to really succeed. Seymour then, disturbingly, threw the main political objective of the campaign into question. He wrote:
that what has been said of the desire of Florida to come back now is a delusion. The backbone of rebeldom is not here, and Florida will not cast its lot until more important successes elsewhere are assured…I would advise that the force be withdrawn at once from the interior, that Jacksonville alone be held…This movement is in opposition to sound strategy, and is not directed, I understand, but General Halleck, who would doubtless have not advised it…To be thwarted, defeated, will be a sad termination to a project, brilliant thus far, but for which you could not answer, in case of mishap, to your military superiors, and Stickney and others have misinformed you. The Union cause would have been far more benefited by Jeff. Davis having removed this railroad to Virginia than by any trivial and non-strategic success you may meet, because victories must be decisive elsewhere before Florida can be won back by hearty devotion.”[18]
Gillmore’s
response to this gloomy message was an order for Seymour to hold Sanderson and
not “risk a repulse in advancing on Lake City.” Seymour was also to recall
Henry’s mounted infantry. If conditions worsened he was to withdraw to Baldwin,
where 8 companies of the 54th Massachusetts were arriving. Further
units would also be arriving at Jacksonville by the end of the month to
reinforce the expedition. Seymour obeyed and ordered his withdrawing force to
destroy all Confederate property that could not be moved.[19]
An
unusual incident occurred at Sanderson on the 12th. A regiment was
to clean its rifles. They had been marching with loaded weapons, so they had to
fire them off before they could go about their chore. Not all of the other
regiments were informed that this was to occur, so when the firearms were
emptied out, many units began to fire wildly, thinking a battle had broken out.
“The camp became a perfect pandemonium” and order was not restored until
February 13th broke. Seymour was angered by the waste of ammunition
and threatened to have the next man who discharged his rifle without orders
shot.[20]
The
following day Seymour withdrew to Baldwin. Gillmore affirmed his order, stating
that he wanted all forces concentrated at the railroad junction. He warned
Seymour that a mounted Confederate force was poised to cross the Saint Mary’s
River into his right flank. He further instructed him to build up defenses
around Baldwin, Jacksonville, and the South Fork of the Saint Mary’s, and hold
in place until ordered to resume the invasion.[21]
Seymour, now displaying firmness in his mission, opposed any abandonment of the
South Fork and assured Gillmore that he had “no apprehension of the force you
mention.” Just in case he wanted to forward part of Guss’ force to King’s
Ferry, along with gunboats.[22]
After the campaign Gillmore wrote “I considered it well understood at that time between General Seymour and myself that no advance would be made without further instructions from me, nor until the defenses were well advanced.” For the moment he was sure the Florida Expedition was on temporary hold, and that Seymour, who had been the one to suggest that they slow down, was in full agreement.[23] If Gillmore had no knowledge of Seymour’s increasingly vacillating nature, Major John Hay, Lincoln’s eyes and ears on the Florida Expedition, certainly did. He wrote:
Seymour has seemed very unsteady and queer since the beginning of the campaign. He has been subject to violent alternations of timidity and rashness, now declaring Florida loyalty was all bosh, now lauding it as the purest article extant, now insisting Beauregard was in front with the whole Confederacy & now asserting that he could whip all the rebels in Florida with a good brigade.[24]
On
the other side, Finegan’s assessment of the situation for the Confederates
showed some positive takes, but also warned of dire consequences. He had
managed to avoid the Federals and was already concentrating various
reinforcements into a larger force. 601 men arrived from Middle Florida, along
with two additional pieces of artillery. His summation of Seymour’s progress
was that “He has captured no stores, taken but few prisoners, and we have lost
but 2 men killed and 2 wounded.” His only serious loss was five pieces of
artillery. On the other hand he lamented the lack of horsemen. Without them,
Seymour’s considerable cavalry and mounted infantry units could easily launch
“raids into the rich counties of Alachua and Marion,” destroying sugar and
syrup, interfering with the cattle trade, and freeing slaves.[25]
Finegan’s main force entrenched at Olustee. He had on hand 1,800 infantry, 450 cavalry, and two batteries of artillery alongside an additional section. His line of communication and supply to Middle Florida was only guarded by 30 men. He warned that without “timely re-enforcements,” the Federals, aided by Unionists “familiar with every portion of the country,” would bring ruin to the Confederate cause in this state.[26] Said reinforcements started pouring in over the next week. The arrival of Colquitt’s veteran Georgians on the night of February 18 garnered attention from the other soldiers, as they had been instrumental in repelling Federal efforts to take Charleston. One, William Penniman of the 4th Georgia Cavalry, recalled:
I could not help but notice that the entire brigade seemed to be composed of mere youths, the majority doubtless being under twenty one years of age, certainly under twenty five. They seemed to be such a ‘devil may care” set as a whole, that to me they were a curiosity, realizing as I did the renown they had already earned as a fighting brigade.[27]
Florida’s citizenry warmly received the Georgians. The women at Madison
Court House provided a “sumptuous dinner of such viands as they knew would be
heartily relished by hungry soldiers.”[28]
Finegan had the task of organizing these various units into a functional army.
Colquitt commanded the first brigade consisting of his Georgia regiments as
well as the 6th Florida Battalion Infantry and four guns of the Chatham
Artillery. Colonel George P. Harrison commanded various Georgia and Florida
units in the Second Brigade. The cavalry regiments were formed into a brigade
under Colonel Caraway Smith of the 2nd Florida Cavalry. This brigade
had less than 600 men, hardly a strong mounted arm. Finegan assigned Colonel
R.B Thomas as chief of artillery. He had about 5,000 men in total.[29]
A
few Confederates were not content to sit and wait for reinforcements or action.
One mounted and impudent Rebel rode ride up to a Union cavalryman and asked
when the infantry was going to come along. He then wheeled his horse and
galloped for the woods. The outraged Federal managed to outpace and capture him
by knocking him out of his saddle.[30]
As
usual black slaves flocked to the Federal forces for their freedom. By this
time they were well aware that the army was accepting black recruits. One house
servant stole his master’s Enfield rifle and went to the 40th
Massachusetts Mounted Infantry to offer his services. In one town all of the
blacks “procured clubs, and begged for permission to fight on the side of the
Yankees.”[31]
The 40th Massachusetts itself was doing plenty of fighting, even as
Seymour switched over to defense. On the morning of the 14th three
companies of the 40th Massachusetts (about 50 men), commanded by
Captain G.E. Marshall, hit Gainesville. During their temporary occupation they
got their hands on “Immense stores of cotton, of turpentine and rosin, sugar
tobacco, and supplies of all kinds.” If Seymour is to be believed,
Gainesville’s citizens were suffering for want of these supplies, as they had
been reserved for the Confederate Army’s use. In this light Marshall’s
distribution among the citizenry of the supplies they could not carry was both
an act of compassion and also a useful step in fostering Unionist sentiment.
That
evening part of the 2nd Florida Cavalry attacked Marshall’s force. Militia
under Colonel Louis G. Pyles was supposed to aid the Confederate cavalry, but
failed to appear. A black man had warned Marshall of their imminent arrival, so
the Massachusetts men got ready by taking 167 cotton bales from the warehouse and
converting them into breastworks. Taking cover behind the cotton bales,
Marshall and his men waited, with orders “to hold their fire until they should
be close to the breastworks. The foremost horse men were near enough to leap
the petty obstruction of two cotton bales, when a seven fold volley was poured
into them from Spencer repeating rifles.” The Confederates quickly tried to
flank the defenders, but themselves received an enfilade fire. The horsemen
fled in a “total rout,” their dismounted horses “vaulting over the cotton
bales.” The cheers of the victors intermingled with the moans of their wounded
and lying foes. A correspondent exclaimed, “Not one of our men were hurt!”
Marshall remained a couple days longer and returned to Seymour on the 17th.[32]
 |
| The Spencer Rifle could was a fast-firing repeater that could carry seven rounds. The 40th Massachusetts used them to good effect and the 7th Connecticut was lucky to also possessed them. |
On that same day Seymour did a sudden about-face in strategy. He admitted that the delay of a train, 60 miles back near Jacksonville, meant that he lacked supplies. “But now I propose to go without supplies, even if compelled to retrace my steps to procure them, and with the object of destroying the railroad near the Suwannee that there will be no danger of carrying away any portion of the track.” He was going to advance all of his men forward. He asked Gillmore to arrange a naval demonstration from Admiral John Dahlgren towards Savannah, Georgia, in hopes of preventing any further enemy reinforcements.[33]
In
his book on the battle, Robert Broadwater suggests that Seymour was misled by
over-optimistic assessments of Unionism in Florida. The civilians expressed
great support and relief at the Federal invasion. They said that the imposition
of worthless Confederate money had upended their lives, and that the
slaveholders were unbearable and tyrannical in that they disenfranchised anyone
with Unionist inclinations. They claimed that right before the war the
slaveholders “used the most shameless and unconcealed intimidation” to secure
the votes for secession. Words were one thing, actions were another. Very few
Floridians rushed to bolster Seymour’s force. Nevertheless Broadwater suggests
that he was too confident, that he expected massive civilian support. After the
battle many in the press would stress the narrative that Seymour was too
trusting of Floridians. They wrote that civilians who took the oath of
allegiance were disingenuous Rebels who took what they saw and heard to the
Confederate army. This in turn enabled Finegan to prepare while Seymour marched
with false information.[34]
Colonel
Joseph Hawley provides a firsthand account of a meeting between Seymour and his
main subordinates. Since this account was written long after the battle and
Hawley’s men were among the most savaged at Olustee, it may be heavily slanted.
Hawley claims that all but Seymour felt it would be impossible to hold their
present position when their supply line was a “rickety railroad with one engine
running sixty miles back to the base at Jacksonville.” They advised a further
withdrawal to the St. Johns River, but supposedly Seymour felt that it would be
better to push on and gain a victory than give up much of what had been taken.[35]
The
arrival of fresh reinforcements also emboldened Seymour. Two black regiments,
the 1st North Carolina (soon to be renamed the 35th
United States Colored Troops) and the 54th’s sister regiment the 55th
Massachusetts, had arrived at Jacksonville across February 14 and 15. Seymour
advanced some of his black regiments from Jacksonville to Baldwin.[36]
The presence of these troops helped create one of the most visible rape cases
of the Civil War. Union soldiers from the 1st North Carolina heard
the shrieking of a woman in distress. Rushing to where the sounds came from,
they found her sobbing and moaning, saying “They downed me and did what they
pleased to me, and that’s rather hard to take!”[37]
This
woman was Sarah Hammond, a widow with a baby. She was the victim of a gang
rape. The perpetrators were four men from Company B of the 55th
Massachusetts. The names of three of them are known: John J. Smith, Spencer
Lloyd, and John Wesley Cork. An officer referred to these men as the “known
rascals” of the 55th. Lloyd and Cork had noticed that Sarah Hammond
was living almost alone, with just her baby and an elderly neighbor. They
approached Smith with their scheme and they and an unknown fourth man visited
her house. Hoping to get her to an isolated spot without witnesses, they
informed her that the army had “lots of provisions” to spare and were handing
them out to the locals. This was enticing to a widow with an infant, so she
made her way towards the Union camp.
Once
they thought the time was right, they rushed up to her. Lloyd asked “for a
hug.” Disturbed, Hammond tried to walk around them back to her house. They
stopped her and Lloyd threatened to shoot if she cried out. When she refused to
lie down for them, he threw her on the ground and forced himself on her while
Smith held her down. Cork had his turn. Throughout this the baby was crying and
Smith said he’d kill both of them if she and her child did not shut up. Then
Smith had his turn while his friends held her down.
After
they had finished, she got the attention of Captain Hodges of the 1st
North Carolina. She gave him a description of what they were carrying. Mounting
his horse, Hodges rushed back towards camp and found three of the men (the
fourth was never found). He had them placed under guard by other men from the
55th. Seymour, who had been
trying to build up Unionist sentiment, was naturally angered that some of his
soldiers had raped a woman. He called for a military trial.
A
captain of the 1st North Carolina had the job of defending the four.
The best defense he could make was that Smith, Cork, Lloyd, and the other man
were unaware of the rules regarding local “Secesh” women. The defendants tried
to argue that Hammond was the one who wanted to have sex and was now lying to
get them in trouble. The trial ended with a conviction and a death sentence.
White officers in the black regiments begged their soldiers not to follow the
condemned’s example. Any such act could be taken by whites as evidence of
innate black barbarity. In Thunder at the
Gates, his history of the black Massachusetts regiments, Douglas Egerton
opens up the possibility that Hammond had lied. Personally I find that the
state that Captain Hodges found her in indicates in that she was indeed raped.
Also, the idea that she would try to get a whole group of black men to do it
with her is odd and highly unlikely.[38]
Esther
Hawks, a doctor with the army, witnessed the execution. She wrote in her diary
that the condemned “showed no sign of emotion of any kind, but our soldiers
sobbed aloud and were all greatly affected.” Once the sentence had been carried
out, Seymour turned around and loudly said, “Served them right, now let any
other man try it if he dares.” A Unionist and Abolitionist, Esther Hawks noted
ruefully that white soldiers, and officers as well, committed similar actions
against black women but went unpunished. Indeed, rape was more common in the
Civil War then is generally believed, if not carried out to the extent it was
in other conflicts. While some white Southern women were targeted, Federal
soldiers were more likely to target black women. This was because as an
“inferior” race they were not proper ladies, not as likely to be able to call
for help from the authorities, and could be seen as enemy property to be used.[39]
Black-on-white rape was more likely to attract attention and thus the case of
Sarah Hammond has gotten a comparatively more notable role in Civil War
historiography.
Getting
back from this ugly tangent, General Gillmore “was greatly surprised” to see
Seymour’s letter indicating his return to the offensive. He quickly sent his
chief of staff, General Turner, to reach Seymour and order the movement’s
cancellation. This order was to inform his subordinate that it would take at
least two days just to make contact with Admiral Dahlgren, too late to hold
Confederate forces in Savannah as Seymour wished (Federal troops were landed on
the Savannah River on February 22. This would be two days after the campaign in
Florida had already been decided). Dahlgren might not even agree to such a
move, anyways. The order was also to remind Seymour that he had specific orders
to stay put around Baldwin. Referring to Seymour’s opinions of the 11th,
Gillmore expressed that he was “very much confused by these conflicting views,
and am thrown into doubt as to whether my intentions with regard to Florida
matters are fully understood by you.” Unfortunately bad weather delayed
Turner’s trip. He would not make it to Jacksonville until the battle was well
underway.[40]
Finegan’s Plan
& Orders of Battle
Like
Seymour, Finegan’s efforts to maximize his forces were bedeviled by furloughs,
if far from the same extent. This occurred with the 1st Georgia
Regulars. The regiment’s enlistment terms were expiring. Many opted not to
re-enlist, some hoping to join volunteer regiments with a better chance of
promotion, but the Confederate Congress passed an act conscripting all
volunteers currently into their current regiments. Those who still wished to
fight on now had to re-enlist in the Georgia Regulars, but they were able to
secure the incentive of a 30 day furlough. A group departed on the morning of
the 20th, the very same day of the battle. Those who refused to
re-enlist did not get the furlough and had to stay a bit longer. One soldier
lamented that a friend who had refused to re-enlist ended up at the battle and
was killed by two balls.[41]
The
battlefield was among the more unique ones of the war. Two large swampy ponds
anchored Finegan’s defensive line. Ocean Pond, which would provide an alternate
name for the battle, was on the left, and a large cypress pond on the right.
Ocean Pond was 4 miles long and over 2 miles wide, quite the body of water. The
country was “exceedingly low and flat, with but few streams” that were too thin
and shallow to provide any defensive use. There were pine trees, but these were
not too thick and the lack of undergrowth meant that the ground beyond could be
clearly seen.” The ponds which flanked the line served to prevent any flanking
efforts by the Federals. Lieutenant M.B. Grant of the engineers, who had been
called in to lend his expertise, claimed that this was the only available
position “offering any advantages whatever between Lake City and the south
prong of the Saint Mary’s River.” Finegan charged Grant with constructing the
earthworks. Major Bonaud’s Battalion had already created two small works
composed of earth-covered logs. He had no tools and few men on hand, so he
impressed slaves and tools from the closest plantations. In the meantime he
started on the 19th with a small detail of soldier equipped with
about a “dozen axes and two dozen spades.”[42]
 |
| Two recent images of Ocean Pond |
While the battle would be fought 2 and a half miles in front of Finegan’s ground of choice, there were still large ponds and bays nearby which assisted the Confederates. One bay would frustrate a Union attempt to flank the Rebels’ left.[43] Finegan’s plan was to send out several regiments, start a skirmish, and draw the Federals towards his works. With their defenses, his outnumbered men could fight at an advantage. Smith moved forward with his cavalry, supported by the 64th Georgia and two companies of the 32nd Georgia.[44]
Seymour’s
men marched out from Baldwin at 6:30 AM. Henry’s mounted brigade sped ahead
with a bit of recklessness. Their encounters with the enemy had so far been
short skirmishes, usually with a rear guard, followed by a pursuit of the
retreating foe. One veteran of Olustee would admit to the Boston Herald, “Our policy had been to dash after the, and capture
and scatter as many as possible. We had met with no repulse and few casualties.
Our successes had unfortunately inspired us with a contempt for our foes.” This
disregard for the Confederates extended to the whole army. Seymour had his
force advance in column with no flankers to screen their movements or detect
any threats.[45] At
10 AM Seymour reached Sanderson. The column stopped briefly to secure the area
and then went right on marching in a shockingly careless manner.[46]
In
hours the forces would clash. Here are the orders of battle. First is the Union
side. Many aforementioned units were not present at the battle, being stationed
in other parts of northeast Florida or taking up guard duties. Overall about
5,500 Federals would clash with 5,000 Confederates.
Union
Order of Battle
Commander:
Brigadier-General Truman Seymour
Colonel William B. Barton’s Brigade
47th New
York: Colonel Henry Moore
48th New
York: Major William B. Coan
115th New
York: Colonel Simeon Sammon
Colonel Joseph R. Hawley’s Brigade
7th
Connecticut: Captain Benjamin F. Skinner
5th New
Hampshire: Colonel Joseph C. Abbott
8th US
Colored Troops: Colonel Charles W. Fribley
Colonel James Montgomery’s Brigade
1st North
Carolina: Lieutenant-Colonel William N. Reed
54th
Massachusetts: Colonel Edward N. Hallowell
Cavalry Brigade: Colonel Guy V.
Henry
40th
Massachusetts Mounted Infantry: Colonel Guy V. Henry
Independent
Massachusetts Cavalry Battalion: Major Atherton A. Stevens, Jr.
1st US
Artillery, Battery B (Horse Artillery): Captain Samuel S. Elder
Artillery: Captain John Hamilton
1st US
Artillery, Battery M: Captain Loomis L. Langdon
3rd US
Artillery, Battery E: Captain John Hamilton
3rd Rhode Island
Heavy Artillery, Battery C: Lieutenant Henry H. Metcalf
1st New York Engineers:
Major James Place[47]
Confederate
Order of Battle
Commander:
Brigadier-General Joseph Finegan
Brigadier-General Alfred H.
Colquitt’s Brigade
6th Florida
Battalion: Major Pickens Bird
6th Georgia:
Lieutenant-Colonel John T. Lofton
19th Georgia:
Colonel James H. Neal
23rd Georgia:
Lieutenant-Colonel James H. Huggins
27th Georgia:
Colonel Charles T. Zachry
28th Georgia:
Captain William P. Crawford
Chatham Artillery:
Captain John F. Wheaton
Gamble’s Florida
Artillery: Captain Robert H. Gamble
Colonel George P. Harrison’s Brigade
1st Florida
Battalion: Lieutenant-Colonel Charles F. Hopkins
32nd Georgia:
Major Washington T. Holland
64th Georgia:
Captain Charles S. Jenkins
1st Georgia
Regulars: Captain Henry A. Cannon
28th Georgia
Artillery Battalion: Major Augustus Bonaud
Cavalry Brigade: Colonel Caraway
Smith
2nd Florida
Cavalry: Lieutenant-Colonel Abner McCormick
5th Florida
Cavalry Battalion: Major George Scott
4th Georgia
Cavalry: Colonel Duncan Clinch[48]
Next: The forces finally clash near Olustee!
Sources
Primary
Andrews, William
H. Footprints of a Regiment: A
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Longstreet Press, 1992.
Clark, James. The Iron-Hearted Regiment: Being an Account
of the Battles, Marches and Gallant Deeds performed by the 115th
Regiment N.Y. Volunteers. Albany: J. Munsell, 1865.
Croom, Wendell
D. The War-History of Company “C”, Sixth
Georgia Regiment with a Graphic Account of Each Member. Fort Valley:
“Advertiser” Office, 1879.
Crowninshield,
Benjamin W. First Regiment of
Massachusetts Cavalry Volunteers. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin,
1891.
Emilio, Luis F. A Brave Black Regiment: History of the
Fifty-Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, 1863-1865. New
York: Bantam Books, 1992.
Gooding, James
Henry. On the Altar of Freedom: A Black
Soldier’s Civil War Letters from the Front. University of Massachusetts
Press, 1991.
Hawks, Esther
Hill. A Woman Doctor’s Civil War: Esther Hill
Hawks’ Diary. Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1984.
“Letters,
Newspaper Articles, Books and Reminiscences of Olustee.”
http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html
Little, Henry
F.W. The Seventh Regiment New Hampshire
Volunteers in the War of the Rebellion. Concord: I.C. Evans, 1896.
Palmer, Abraham
J. The History of the Forty-Eighth
Regiment New York State Volunteers, in the War for the Union, 1861-1865.
Brooklyn: Veteran Association of the Regiment, 1885.
Roman, Alfred. The Military Operations of General
Beauregard in the War between the States 1861 to 1865 Vol. II. New York:
Harper, 1883.
Stephens, George
E. A Voice of Thunder: A Black Soldier’s
Civil War. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998.
Trimmer, William
H. “Olustee and How I Was Captured,” Confederate
Veteran Vol. 20, No. 6.
United States. The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies Vol. XXXV part 1.
Washington D.C. 1891.
Walkley,
Stephen W., Jr. History of the Seventh
Connecticut Volunteer Infantry, Hawley’s Brigade, Terry’s Division, Tenth Army
Corps, 1861-1865. Hartford, 1905.
Secondary
Broadwater,
Robert P. The
Battle of Olustee 1864: The Final Union Attempt to Seize Florida.
Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Incorporated Publishers, 2006.
Combined Books
Editors. The Civil War Book of Lists.
Conshohocken, Pennsylvania, Combined Books, 1994.
Conner, Robert
C. James Montgomery: Abolitionist Warrior.
Casemate: April 13, 2022.
Davis, William
Watson. The Civil War and Reconstruction
in Florida. New York: Columbia University, 1913.
Egerton, Douglas
R. Thunder at the Gates: The Black Civil
War Regiments that Redeemed America. New York: Basic Books, 2016.
Lees,
William B., and Gaske, Frederick P. Recalling Deeds Immortal: Florida
Monuments to the Civil War. Gainesville: University Press of
Florida, 2014.
Marvel, William.
Andersonville: The Last Depot.
University of North Carolina Press, 1994.
Nulty, William
H. Confederate Florida: The Road to
Olustee. The University of Alabama Press, 1990.
Schafer, Daniel
L. Thunder on the River: the Civil War in
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Smith, Derek. Civil War Savannah. Savannah: Frederic
C. Beil, 1997.
Trudeau, Noah
Andre. Like Men of War: Black Troops in
the Civil War, 1862-1865. Boston: Little, Brown, & Company, 1998.
Various. A Forgotten Front: Florida During the Civil
War Era. University of Alabama Press, 201
Urwin,
Gregory J. W., ed. Black Flag over Dixie:
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Illinois University Press, 2005.
Williams,
George Washington. A History of the Negro Troops
in the War of the Rebellion. Harper & Brothers, 1887.
[1] Noah Andre Trudeau, Like Men of War: Black Troops in the Civil
War, 1862-1865, (Boston: Little, Brown, & Company, 1998), 133.
[2] OR XXXV, part 1, 330, 347;
Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 36-37.
[3] OR XXXV, part
1, 347; William H. Trimmer, “Olustee and How I Was Captured,” Confederate Veteran (Vol. 20, No. 6),
471-472; Nulty, Confederate Florida,
88; Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 38.
[4] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 40-41.
[5] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 42; James Clark, The Iron-Hearted Regiment: Being an Account
of the Battles, Marches and Gallant Deeds performed by the 115th
Regiment N.Y. Volunteers, (Albany: J. Munsell, 1865), 71, 75; The Christian Recorder, May 29, 1864, http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html.
[6] Clark, Iron-Hearted Regiment, 72.
[7] William H. Trimmer, “Olustee and
How I Was Captured,” Confederate Veteran
(Vol. 20, No. 6), 472.
[8] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 43, 45-46.
[9] Nulty, Confederate Florida, 112-113; Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 44.
[10] OR XXXV, part 1, 281-282, 325; Boston Herald, February 22, 1864, http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html; Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 48-49.
[11] Benjamin W. Crowninshield, First Regiment of Massachusetts Cavalry
Volunteers, (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1891), 261.
[12] OR XXXV, part 1, 282; Nulty, Confederate Florida, 104.
[13] “Winston
Stephens to My Dear Wife,” February 11, 1864, http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html.
[14] OR XXXV, part
1, 331.
[15] Davis, Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, 280.
[16] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 51.
[17] “Letters and
History of 1st Lieutenant Tully McCrea: Battery M, First U.S.
Artillery,” http://battleof-olustee.org/letters/index.html.
[18] OR XXXV, part
1, 282.
[19] OR XXXV, part 1, 282-283.
[20] Little, Seventh Regiment New Hampshire, 214.
[21] OR XXXV, part 1, 276-277, 283.
[22] OR XXXV, part 1, 284.
[23] OR XXXV, part
1, 277.
[24] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 55.
[25] OR XXXV, part 1, 325.
[26] OR XXXV, part 1, 326.
[27] OR XXXV, part
1, 331; “Excerpt from the Reminiscences of William Frederick Penniman,” http://battleof-olustee.org/letters/index.html.
[28] Croom, War-History of Company, 22.
[29] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 64.
[30] Clark, Iron-Hearted Regiment, 78.
[31] “A Million and
a Half of Property Captured; Gallant Conduct of Chelsea Men at Gainesville,” Chelsea Telegraph and Pioneer, March 12,
1864, http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html.
[32] OR XXXV, part 1, 296-297;
Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 62; “A
Million and a Half of Property Captured; Gallant Conduct of Chelsea Men at
Gainesville,” Chelsea Telegraph and
Pioneer, March 12, 1864, http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html.
[33] OR XXXV, part 1, 284.
[34] Boston Herald, February 22, 1864, http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html; Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 70-71; The Christian Recorder, March 10, 1864, http://battleofolustee.org/letters/index.html.
[35] Nulty, Confederate Florida, 116.
[36] Trudeau, Like Men of War, 135.
[37] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 46-47.
[38] Douglas R. Egerton, Thunder at the Gates: The Black Civil War
Regiments that Redeemed America, (New York: Basic Books, 2016) 216-219.
[39] Esther Hill Hawks, A Woman Doctor’s Civil War: Esther Kill
Hawks’ Diary, (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1984), 61.
[40] OR XXXV, part
1, 277, 285-286: Derek Smith, Civil War
Savannah, (Savannah: Frederic C. Beil, 1997), 130.
[41] William H.
Andrews, Footprints of a Regiment: A
Recollection of the 1st Georgia Regulars, 1861-1865, (Marietta:
Longstreet Press, 1992), 126-128.
[42] OR XXXV, part
1, 338-339; Crowninshield, First Regiment
of Massachusetts Cavalry Volunteers, 262.
[43] OR XXXV, part 1,340.
[44] OR XXXV, part 1, 331.
[45] Broadwater, Battle of Olustee, 72, 75.
[46] Trudeau, Like Men of War, 139.
[47] “Union Order of Battle,” https://battleofolustee.org/union_order.html.
[48] “Confederate Order of Battle,” http://battleofolustee.org/confederate_order.html.
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