This
is the last of a series looking at the battles that involved the 1st
Kansas Colored Regiment. After their participation in the Camden Expedition
(read here), they returned to garrison and fatigue duties. With a year still left
in the war and their placement in war-torn Indian Territory, it was inevitable
that they would experience more violence in some form. This occurred during a
major raid of northern Indian Territory, conducted by Cherokee Colonel Stand
Watie and the Texan General Richard Gano. This raid climaxed with an assault on
a wagon train at Cabin Creek, the sight of a 1st Kansas victory.
Though this blog post is centered around the Second Battle of Cabin Creek, the 1st
Kansas was only present in two smaller, related incidents. The first was a
fight and massacre at Flat Rock Creek and the second a brief encounter after
the raid in which the infantry did not engage. For the historical background of
Cabin Creek, I refer you to my post on the July battle there.
Back
in Indian Territory, the men in the 1st Kansas Colored found
themselves working in hay collecting detachments. This hay fed the horses,
mules, cows, and other animal essential for transporting supplies or providing
food and milk. These detachments were constant targets of raids and many small
fights ensued. In these casualty-light skirmishes, either the Federals drove
off the mounted raiders with a few volleys or the Confederates got to the hay
and set it on fire. Since the assailants came in small bands, the Federals were
not prepared for any sizeable raiding force. This is one factor that would lead
to disaster in September of 1864.[1]
Wagons for
Indian Territory
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| Stand Watie |
In three years of war, Indian Territory was in a bad place. Battles, raids, internecine violence, and theft had absolutely devastated the countryside. Most of the Indians still living in the warzone were soldiers themselves. The families of pro-Union soldiers sought refuge in Kansas and those on the other side went to Texas. Neutral Indians either tried to lay low or took refuge with the others. Thousands of pro-Union refugees remained in Indian Territory and clustered around Fort Gibson. This boosted the logistical drain on the Union’s Trans-Mississippi forces and necessitated continual supply runs. In the summer of 1864 the Arkansas River flooded, enabling steamboats to travel in. This was a swifter alternative to long, dragging wagon trains.[2]
Both sides found themselves in straitened circumstances, but the Confederates had the worst of it. Their morale throughout Indian Territory was at an all-time low. Desertions occurred at an alarming rate, and so many of the quitters were going over to join the Union side that one general groused it would be better to simply hunt them down and kill them as soon as they ran off. [3] Desperate to turn things around, Colonel Stand Watie, the head of the pro-Confederate Cherokees, had been pushing for a major raid since the start of the 1864. One officer, reporting the Indian’s request “to create a diversion with the enemy” between Forts Smith and Gibson, commented, “This has been a favorite expedition with Colonel Watie for some time.”[4]
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| Attack on the J.R. Williams |
Though not getting permission for any major raids into Kansas, Arkansas, or against Union held Fort Gibson in northeast Indian Territory, Watie and his brigade of Indian units were not idle. On June 15, 1864, they ambushed the Federal steamboat J.R. Williams on the Arkansas River. They placed 3 artillery guns on the overlooking Pheasant Bluff. When the moment came, the guns shot at the ship, hitting its smokestack. The Federal officers abandoned the ship (and most of the infantry guards) to get to shore. Those still onboard surrendered. The victorious Indians secured thousands of pounds of bacon and flour. They set the steamer on fire and it sank a mile further down the river. In addition to being a much needed success for the bedraggled Confederates, this raid ended enemy river traffic and forced the Union to rely solely on wagon trains for supplies. This one act proved to be such a blow to Federal logistics that Watie won a promotion to brigadier-general. In fact he was now the only Indian general in the war.[5]
Another major Confederate figure in Indian Territory was Richard Gano (above). Gano was a comparatively recent arrival to Indian Territory, entering with the 5th Texas Cavalry Brigade at the end of 1863. He had spent most of his life so far as a Kentuckian, moving to Texas in 1857. He and a squadron of Texans had fought east of the Mississippi, working with John Hunt Morgan’s Kentucky raiders. After that he moved back west and got an assignment to Indian Territory. There he assumed command of his brigade. He was noted to be deeply religious (he never swore or took any form of stimulants) and worked hard to instill morals and discipline in his men.[6]
Between
his time in Kentucky and Indian Territory, Gano had already proven himself as a
raider, and his willingness to charge into the fight with his men won their
respect and admiration. One Texan had who served under him said, “…He had no
trouble to get his men to follow him, and he never asked them to go where he
would not go himself.”[7]
Like Waite, Gano yearned for a major raid to reverse Confederate woes in the
territory. In fact, late in the summer, he requested a transfer back east,
tiring of the inefficiency, poor morale, and logistical neglect. He believed
that if affairs had been more orderly, he could have followed up on his and
Watie’s raids with an assault on Fort Smith in Arkansas, capturing the
installation and decisively turning the tide. Maxey liked Gano and was
determined to keep him, so by September he was open to any ideas that would
restore morale and appease his favored subordinates.[8]
Watie
identified a target for a great raid. His scouts had learned that a large
Federal wagon train was soon due to come south to Fort Gibson. They did not
know exactly where it would be on any date, but if they set out within the next
several days they had a good chance of finding and capturing it.[9]
The waters had also lowered by this point. It would not be too difficult to
ford some of the waterways, such as the Arkansas River, and place themselves
between Fort Gibson and the Kansas border.[10]
Watie and other Confederates might not have been aware of this, but the
condition of the Federal Department was also not in top form. Colonel William
A. Phillips, the popular and caring commander of the Union Indian Brigade, had
recently been pulled away. Also, the US Government had recently incorporated
the Indian Territory into the Department of Arkansas while severing it from the
more relevant Kansas. In general the Federal government was reluctant to spend
any more resources on Indian Territory. With the Federal position weakening,
the countryside was further exposed to Confederate raids.[11]
The
wagon train coming south carried supplies for the garrison of
Fort Gibson and the thousands of Indian refugees around it. English-born Major
Henry Hopkins commanded the escort. It left Fort Scott on the 12th.
Hopkins had 260 men: 80 (50 mounted and 30 dismounted) of the 2nd
Kansas Cavalry, 130 (60 mounted and 70 dismounted) of the 14th
Kansas Cavalry, and 50 (10 mounted and 40 dismounted), of the 6th
Kansas Cavalry. Hopkins put the number
of wagons at 300, 205 government wagons, 4 ambulances, and 90 sutler wagons in
addition to a few others. A message from Curtis further mentioned that the over
1,200 animals attended the vehicles.[12]
There
were suspicions that the Confederates were planning something. Hopkins believed
correctly that the Confederates wanted to strike this wagon train and called
for more men. When he got to Baxter Springs 100 pro-Union Cherokees appeared to
bolster his guard. 1st Lieutenant Waterhouse and Captain Ta-la-lah,
one white and the other Indian, led these men. Federals in the region further
heard that General Sterling Price and his Missourians were also moving nearer,
crossing the Arkansas River. Hopkins feared that Price was coming for him and
messaged Fort Gibson for even more men. Though Price was in fact preparing for
an ambitious move into his home state of Missouri, Hopkins had reason to worry.[13]
The Plan
Watie
had his target, but he could not strike such a large prize on his own. Many of his
horses were not fit for service at the moment. He needed Texans horses and
thought Texan men would be helpful as well. He contacted Gano, Douglas H.
Cooper, and Major General Samuel B. Maxey for aid and approval. Gano was all up
for the raid and wanted to participate himself. On September 12 he backed
Watie’s plan.[14]
Major
General Maxey, a veteran of operations along the Mississippi River, had assumed
command of Indian Territory on December 11, 1863. He replaced the incompetent
General William Steele, whose efforts to halt the Federal incursion in the
summer of that same year had met with disaster. Maxey did his best to restore
order and morale, as well as find ways to fill the ranks. Despite his efforts,
supplies and morale remained low and military operations were restricted to
small scale fighting, often of the irregular nature. Gano’s Texans, for
example, spent more time hunting deserters than fighting Federals. This was
hardly inspiring military work.[15]
Maxey
ached for a way to strike back the Federals restore some teeth into his
department. Gano and Watie’s proposition for a major raid reached him and he
quickly worked to make it happen. He ordered General Cooper to send more men to
Watie so that he would have a larger striking force. Maxey further envisioned a
Confederate Indian movement into Kansas, though this ambition would have to
remain checked.[16] The
raid was to happen in conjunction with a drive into Missouri from Arkansas. The
Missouri supposed to be Sterling Price’s great raid. Confederates in Indian
Territory would press on into Kansas to draw Federals away from Missouri As it
happened, Price would launch his infamous raid just a little too late, allowing
the Federals time to recover from actions by Watie, Quantrill, and other famed
raiders of the Trans-Mississippi.[17]
On
the 13th Gano and Watie planned out the particulars of the raid.
Though Gano had nominal command, they were in fact to operate as independent
equals, ensuring that the Indian and Texan factions cooperated harmoniously. As
the mastermind behind the plan, Watie was set to command. The Texans, while not
holding their Indian allies to the same level of racial contempt as they would
blacks, were opposed to serving under a Cherokee. Instead of fighting to have
command, Watie prioritized the mission. Maxey praised him for this, writing
that he was “governed by patriotism, a feeling of delicacy, and, as he
considered, justice, raised no issue, but acted in perfect harmony and concert
for the common good.” Thus Gano assumed command, but out of respect for Watie
treated him as an equal. The next day they marched to Prairie Creek. The
following is the order of battle for the raid.
Brigadier-General
Stand Watie
1st Cherokee (200 men):
Lieutenant Colonel C.N. Vann
2nd Cherokee (150 men):
Major John Vann
1st Creek (125 men):
Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Chekote
2nd Creek (200 men):
Colonel T. Barnett
Seminoles (130 men): Colonel John
Jumper
Brigadier-General
Richard Gano
29th Texas Cavalry:
Colonel Lieutenant-Colonel Otis G. Welch
30th Texas Cavalry:
Captain Strayhorn
31st Texas Cavalry
Detachments: Major Mayrant
Hardeman’s Battalion
Head’s Company
William B. Welch’s
Company (aka Gano’s Guards)
Captain Sylvanus Howell’s Texas
Artillery Battery[18]
Weapons
had also been lacking. The Texans and Indians were armed with a motley
assortment of shotguns, hunting rifles, flintlocks, Belgian muskets, Hall’s
carbines, Colt revolving rifles, and various kinds of military rifles. One
report back in the summer of 1863 listed 1,078 shotguns, with the qualifier
“old and worn.” By contrast there were under 300 up to date rifles, and only 20
of these were Minie rifles.[20]
Lieutenant-Colonel
Vann’s 2nd Cherokee scouted out the area that was to be raided.
While doing this they ran into many enemy scouts and pro-Union Indians.
Believing the Federal forces would be on high alert, Gano and Watie prepared to
move with great speed.[21]
On the 15th the raiders set off. The 2nd Cherokee crossed
the Arkansas River at the Creek Agency. Watie’s men bumped into a sole Union
Creek scout. They fired on him and sent him running, leaving his horse and
goods to be captured. 6 miles further up the main body crossed at another
point. The water here was deep, and it took 6 hours to cross. The vulnerable
“artillery ammunition had to be packed over by hand, and many of our brave boys
were plunged beneath the waves in consequence of quicksands.” and that night
they stopped at Camp Pleasant, 11 miles northwest of Fort Gibson. The next day
on the 16th they moved northeast and crossed the Verdigris River.
They would come upon a secondary target and start the last action in which the
1st Kansas Colored would fight.[22]
Flat Rock Creek
Meanwhile,
Captain Edgar Barker of the 2nd Kansas Cavalry was overseeing a hay
collection party on the prairie at Flat Rock, situated on the Texas Road two
miles from the Grand River and alongside a line of lagoons connected by thin
creeks. The water was about two feet deep, and decorated with water lilies and
overhanging willow tree branches. The thin body of water was called Flat Rock
Creek. They hay collectors included soldiers from Barker’s own 2nd
Kansas Cavalry and the 1st Kansas Colored, a total of about 125 men.
The detachment of the 1st Kansas Colored, 37 men under Lieutenant
David Sutherland, was performing the tedious task of cutting hay with mowing
machines, Civilian workers and many of the soldiers hitched these apparatuses
to horses and guided them across fields of hay. The other soldiers patrolled and
looked out for Confederate riders. They were used to small raiding parties, not
the full-scale force under Gano and Watie.[23]
A team of Confederate scouts discovered the hay-cutting party. One of them, Bill McCracken, led Gano and Watie to the top of a hill called Blue Mound. This height provided a panoramic view of the hay party. Under somber clouds, the Confederates advanced in a V-shaped formation.[24] Word reached Barker that Gano’s Confederates were headed his way. He gathered his small force and placed them in a ravine at the edge of camp, “the most advantageous position” he could find. He led a small group of mounted men on reconnaissance and, likely very much to his horror, came upon Gano’s force of over 1,500 Confederates as well as artillery. A chase ensued, with both sides taking shots at each other.[25]
The
1st Cherokee and 30th Texas moved to the right to
intercept the Federals by occupying the timber along Grand River. Gano
conducted the frontal assault, with Watie on his left. Barker got to the ravine.
This “was no sooner accomplished than the main body of the enemy appeared and
attacked me from five different points.”[26]
The ravine proved to be a good position. The well outnumbered Federals held
out, with Barker claiming that they repulsed three attacks. This is
attributable to their rifles, which held more range than the Confederates’
motley arsenal.[27]
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| Royce Fitzgerald's sketch of the 1st Kansas Colored and 2nd Kansas Cavalry in the ravine. |
During a break in the fighting, Gano sent a Major Stackpole with a flag of truce and a captured lieutenant to demand surrender. Barker had no intention of surrendering. Gano claimed in his report that his men even fired on the flag of truce. The black soldiers, veterans of Poison Spring and its following racially-charged massacre, probably assumed that they would be killed even if they gave up, so they made it clear that this was a fight to the death.[28] Howell’s Battery finally deployed and fired a couple rounds of grape shot at the ravine. The Union soldiers retreated towards the banks of the creek, looking for an escape route. As ammunition ran out and the Confederates pressed forward with their massively larger numbers, resistance crumbled.[29] Barker found his small party “completely overwhelmed and surrounded.” He ordered everyone to charge out and try to make it to a forest of timber, with himself leading anyone who had a horse. The Kansas riders broke out “with a loss of all but fifteen men.”[30]
Those
on foot were even less lucky and a massacre ensued. Creek soldier Captain
George Washington Grayson recalled that “some of our men discovered a negro
hiding in the high weeds near the creek and shot and killed him.” They found
and killed another black soldier and, “as sportsmen do quails,” they hunted
through the reeds for more blacks to kill. “Some of the negroes finding they
were about to be discovered would spring up from the brush and cry out, O!
master spare me.” They were shown no mercy. More were found lying in the creek,
sticking their noses through the surface so they could breathe in concealment.
They were discovered and killed. Grayson claimed to be sickened by this, “but
the men were like wild beasts and I was powerless to stop them from this
unnecessary butchery.” Some of the Creeks brought a captured white man to
Grayson and asked if they should kill him. Grayson told them not to, thankful to
have saved at least one life.[31]
One
Texan remembered that, “The water was red with blood of the dead negroes.” The
Indians dragged out the bodies and stripped them of valuables. One soldier,
George Duvall, managed to avoid detection, though he suffered the sounds of his
comrades’ cries for help and mercy before their murders. He managed to slip
past Confederate pickets with his rifle. Two others lay in the creek with their
noses out. Unlike those who were discovered, they were smart enough to stick
their nose out among concealing vegetation, one under overhanging willows and
the other amidst a water lily. One named survivor, Samuel Jefferson, made it
back to Fort Gibson, but died of wounds on October 25.[32]
Only
four of the 1st Kansas Colored made it out alive. Barker put his
losses at 40 killed (33 from the 1st Kansas Colored and 7 from the 2nd
Kansas Cavalry) and 66 wounded and missing. Gano listed 79 dead Federals, most
of them black.[33] Civilians
were present and among the captured. These included a Mr. Twist, hay contractor
Mr. Martin and the Beach family. The Confederates graciously let the family
free, but the two others were kept likely because they assisted the Union in
collecting hay.[34] In
addition to all the equipment and weapons left behind, the Confederates
captured “a quantity of ordnance and ordnance stores, and 25 head of public
horses,” as well as “12 U.S. mules and 2 6-mule wagons and harness.” The
victors burned a thousand tons of hay along with the mowing machines. They took
about 85 prisoners.[35]
Watie
learned from the prisoners that the wagon train from Fort Scott was expected
shortly to pass through the vicinity. He sent the 2nd Cherokee out
to investigate the road and see if the wagons were there. They encountered
firing from pickets and concluded they had found the train. As it turned out
this was a separate Federal detachment which retreated northward. On the 17th
part of Gano’s Texan brigade targeted the hay at the Hickey place. They found
much stiffer resistance and decided to bypass this location.[36]
Destination
Cabin Creek
Gano
released one of his civilian prisoners with a message for Colonel Wattles at
Fort Gibson. It told him that it was safe for him to send a burial party for
the Union dead at Flat Rock. This alerted Wattles to the fact that a
Confederate force was operating north of him. Colonel James M. Williams and his
brigade had just returned from Arkansas. Wattles, Williams, and Major John
Foreman gathered all the vehicles they could find and sent two relief forces
north. Williams would lead one accompanied by Parrott guns and Foreman the
other accompanied by howitzers. The destination was Cabin Creek, 50 miles to
the north. According to the recollections of a private in the 3rd
Indian Home Guard, Wattles ordered Foreman to backtrack and take another route
towards Cabin Creek. The private’s claim was that this mandated change of route
delayed Foreman. The implication is that Foreman would have been present for
the battle if he stayed on his original course.[37]
On
the 17th Major Hopkins and the wagon train reached Hudson’s Crossing
at the Neosho River. Lieutenant Waterhouse remained there with half of the Cherokees
to protect the crossing and the rest went on to Horse Creek. That night a
messenger from Fort Gibson arrived confirming Hopkins’ fears. 1,200 to 1,500
Confederates had been spotted heading in his general direction. His orders were
to move “with all possible dispatch to Cabin Creek” and await further orders.[38]
At the time Cabin Creek looked like this: The stockade lay south of Cabin
Creek, with tall bluffs overlooking the water. Joe Martin’s House was to the
east. A spring and ravine lay between it and the creek. The Texas Road
intersected the creek to the east of the house from southwest to northeast.[39]
The
wagons got there on the 18th (Hopkins wrote 9 AM while Charles
Jennison of the 15th Kansas said noon). To Hopkins’ relief 170 Union
Indians (Cherokee and Creek) were waiting, and 140 more arrived. This put his
strength at 620: 120 mounted whites, 140 dismounted whites, 30 mounted Indians,
and 330 dismounted Indians. The Cherokee garrison at Cabin Creek resided in a
stockade made of 12 foot high timber. It was built around the Martin House
(owned by the captain of Company D, 2nd Cherokee, Confederate). The
house doubled as a hospital.[40]
Hopkins’
report indicates that he was well prepared. That afternoon he went south with
25 men of the 2nd Kansas Cavalry to scout out the area and look for
the enemy. Three miles out he found an enemy Indian lieutenant. The Kansans
followed him to a prairie where they saw the Confederates gathered in a hollow.
Hopkins estimated their number at 600 to 800 men. According to his report, he
rushed back and arranged the wagons in a quarter-circle, anticipating an
attack. Hay bales and timber at a local resident’s place provided further
protection. Hopkins’ general plan was to hold on as long as possible. If they
could defend the wagons long enough, Foreman with his Indians and howitzers
would arrive and equal the odds.[41]
A
non-military member of the train, the dentist Dr. George Moore, had a different
story to tell. He said that the wagons were deployed in a mile long line across
the prairie. “…The loose disposition of the train wagons certainly indicated a
lack of prudence upon the part of somebody…notwithstanding the possibility, not
to say probability of impending disaster, no one seemed worried or troubled.”[42]
Cabin Creek: The
Sequel
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| This painting of the battle adorns the cover of Joseph L. Warren's highly in-depth book on the battle. |
On their way to Cabin Creek, the raiders heard that the wagon train was there. Gano and 400 Texans arrived went ahead with two pieces of artillery and confirmed this. Gano sent for Watie to bring the rest of the force up and they arrived about midnight. The two commanders met and “After consultation we agreed to move on the enemy at once, who was aware of our approach, but entirely ignorant of our numbers.” Gano formed on the right, Watie on the left. The Indians formed, from right to left, 1st Cherokee, 2nd Cherokee, Seminoles, 2nd Creek, and 1st Creek. Howell’s Battery positioned in the center.[43]
The
Confederates were “on an elevated prairie that descended to the enemy’s
position on the creek.” Watie wrote that the moon “shone very brightly” in their
rear, silhouetting them (oddly, in his book on the battle, Steven Warren
includes an appendix detailing the moon’s position on this night in history).[44]
Confederate Indian veterans of the first battle at Cabin Creek wondered if they
would win this one. They hoped that their medicine (an Indian word for magic as
well), would work against the medicine of the Union Cherokees. One claimed to
have a vision of a white deer, prophesying victory.[45]
After
midnight the Confederates encountered and pushed back the Federal pickets. Captain
Cosgrove of the 2nd Kansas rode out with a mounted detachment to
investigate. He came upon a battle line of Confederates. An officer, who turned
out be Gano, asked him who he was.
Cosgrove
replied “Federals” and redirected the question back at him.
The
officer answered, “Rebels, by God! Who is your commander?”
“A
Fed. Who is yours?”
“A
mixture. Will you protect a flag of truce?”
“I
will tell you in five minutes.”
15
minutes passed without any word and Gano heard the wagons moving. It was time
to attack.[46] Cosgrove’s
men saw and fired on the Confederates. This volley in the darkness caused a
major scene among the wagons. Then the Howell’s artillery unlimbered and opened
up. Hopkins reported: “At the first charge of the enemy the teamsters and
wagon-masters, with but very few exceptions, stampeded, taking with them one or
more mules out of each wagon.” By disattaching animals to flee on, they made it
difficult, if not impossible, to run the wagons away in case of emergency.
Cosgrove was more generous to the teamsters, merely saying that the fire
spooked the mules and caused a stampede. Many of the animals ran off the bluffs
overlooking Cabin Creek, delivering final, horrific death screams as they
plunged to their doom.[47]
Robert Peck, a wagon master who often took this trail, wrote:
Soldiers, teamsters, mules and wagons,
in a perfect cyclone of excitement, went flying back towards the timber…some
men mounted the unhitched mules, where they could catch them, only to be thrown
off again by the frantic animals. Some ran on foot among the wildly rushing
torrent of men, wagons and animals, teams and parts of teams dragging their
wagons without guidance, crashed into each other as they turned from the rebel
fire in their front and raced madly for timber in the rear.[48]
Dr.
Moore recalled that, because of the high grass, he “could not see the teams
until they were almost upon me.” To his surprise he was able to perform “such
dexterous feats of leaping backward, forward and sideways, as would excite the
admiration and envy of an Australian kangaroo.” He avoided injury as wagons
around him spilled their loads and collapsed into a gulch.[49]
Howell’s
battery now bombarded the stockade. The shells set hay stacks on fire and
smashed a few wagons. Watie’s Cherokees drove Federals from rifle pits and in
front of the stockade and then approached the walls, giving out their customary
turkey gobble call to challenge those inside to a fight.[50]
Around 3 AM Hopkins’ attempts to move the wagon train away from the stockade stopped.
Instead he tried to protect them behind hay pile breastworks and the stockade.
Satisfied that the Federals would not leave, Gano halted the action, waiting
for more light before he dared assault the Union defenses.[51]
As
the Confederates waited, the Federals yelled at them, asking such questions as
“What are you doing here?” Though the answer was obvious, some Confederates
shouted back, “We are after you and your mule teams and wagons.” One soldier,
likely drunk, walked towards the enemy, hurling profane insults. One Indian
shouted “Halt!” but he kept going. After several other failures to stop, a
couple shots broke out “and all was quiet.”[52]
When
more light came the two sides started to trade shots. The Confederate officers
told their men to stop shooting. One Creek private, known as “Captain Dorsey”
was incensed when a Union bullet struck the ground right in front of him. He
“could not stand to be so bullied, and fired his trusty musket in the direction
of the enemy.” When reprimanded, “he replied that he had not come all the way
here to stand quietly by while the enemy deliberately shot at him.”[53]
At
the crack of dawn, Watie heard the shouts of teamsters and the movement of
wagon wheels. Hopkins was preparing to escape across Cabin Creek. It was time
for Gano and Watie to attack. From left to right, the Confederates were
organized thus: 1st Creek, 2nd Creek, Seminoles, 2nd
Cherokee, 1st Cherokee, 30th Texas (on the Texas Road),
Welch’s Battalion around Howell’s Battery, the 31st Texas, and 29th
Texas.[54]
At 7:30 the Confederates moved their artillery to “within 100 yards” of the
Federal line. The 30th Texas went in support of the battery, while
Colonel Jumper led his Seminoles into the timber to the right to flank the
wagon guard. The Confederate cannon were posted against the front and right
flank of the Federal defenses. This created a crossfire.[55]
When
the mounted Creeks advanced, Captain Grayson took position in front of the
line. A superior officer told him he was liable to be accidentally shot by his
men and that he should go in the rear or among the ranks. Grayson, though, had
been accused of cowardice earlier in the war and was determined to prove his
bravery.[56] At
one point smoke heavily obscured the battlefield, to the point that the combatants
involuntarily stopped fighting for a few minutes because they could not see
what they were shooting at. During this interlude some within the Creek ranks
distributed medicines and talismans that were supposed to protect one from
bullets. The power was imbued by rubbing the artifact against one’s own body.[57]
Further right the 30th Texas drove the Federals 150 yards back. Gano
personally led the same men in a charge which “would have carried” the enemy
defenses if not for the surprise of the previously unnoticed ravine. It was
filled with the detachment of the 14th Kansas. The Kansans unleashed
a “murderous fire.”Gano ordered the 30th Texas back.[58]
The
Creeks dismounted and went “down on one knee and foot” during their shootout.
One asked Grayson where the enemy was. Grayson pointed to the Federals and
then, to his annoyance, the other soldier aimed his flintlock rifle just inches
from the left side of his face. He fired and the discharge from the hammer
striking the flint stone struck Grayson’s, producing blood and briefly blinding
him. Grayson was able to rub the powder out of his eyes, but a blue spot stayed
near his left eye for the rest of his life.[59]
Grayson had another obnoxious experience with an old man named Yul-ke Ha-tsu.
Ha-tsu would constantly walk ahead of the others and shout to them, “If you be
the men you in time of peace and security claim to be, come out from the lines
and do as I do” He would then fire his pistol in the air and return to the line
calling the others cowards. Grayson kept ordering him to stop, but he would not
listen.[60]
The Creeks and Seminoles ran out of ammunition, so Gano moved some of his
Texans into their place.[61]
For
some reason Hopkins assigned Dr. Moore, the dentist, command of a company of
Union Cherokees. There is no information on how he conducted himself as an
officer. He did recall a particularly sad sight. He saw a dead body lying
stretched out on its back. The Cherokee’s pet dog had come along and he now lay
with his head under the dead man’s chin. The loyal animal stayed there throughout
the entire battle, unfazed by bullets, shells, or the eventual retreat of his
master’s comrades.[62]
Howell’s
Battery continued its effective work. “Crash after crash of shell swept
Yankees, negroes, Pins, and mules away from the land of the living, while every
regiment and company poured in volley after volley, and the brave Indians,
having replenished with ammunition, came again to the work, and all with a loud
shot rushed on to victory, driving the enemy beyond their fortifications…”[63]
Supported by these guns, the Seminoles and 29th Texas assaulted the
makeshift fortifications. Yul-ke Ha-tsu, the old and reckless Confederate
Creek, participated in the charge and made a kill, though it was not a man. His
bullet, from his old horse pistol, struck a mule. The bullet was said to have
been so powerful that the animal’s entrails spilled out of its body. At this
onslaught, Hopkins and his men “were compelled to fall back in disorder,
leaving the train, excepting a few wagons and an ambulance that immediately
moved back on the Fort Scott road across Cabin Creek.”[64]
Hopkins
tried to escape with his remaining wagons across Cabin Creek. However, he found
the route cut off by two enemy regiments. Collecting “all the scattered troops
possible together,” he headed east for the Grand River in hopes of linking up
with Foreman. Perhaps together they could turn about and retake some of the
wagons. Foreman, however, was nowhere to be found. Hopkins now guided his men
to Fort Gibson.[65] Dr.
Moore, fearing that he would be executed for fighting as an irregular (as he
was a civilian), got ahold of a horse. While mounting a ridge grape shot
“hissed” by him, cut off the foot of a mule, and killed another that was
holding a youthful Kansan soldier. Moore escaped.[66]
The
teamster Alfred Collins was also among the escapees. He was hiding behind a
tree, looking for a way out, when a horse with several wounds and a
blood-soaked saddle happened by. Collins mounted the animal, but it refused to
go the right way and went straight towards Confederate lines. He attempted to
bluff his way through them, even though he wore a Union blue overcoat.
Fortunately many Confederates, needing clothes themselves, also wore blue
overcoats in spite of potential confusion. Collins came upon a section of
Howell’s artillery and boldly played the role of a staff officer. He bellowed
out that the general needed it moved up near the haystacks. To his satisfaction
the artillerists complied and he was able to ride off to Fort Gibson. Unfortunately
there is no surviving battle report for Howell’s Battery, so there’s no
additional confirmation of this story mentioning a late battle advance of the
guns.[67]
An
exultant Stand Watie rode about on his horse, shouting, “Hurray for General
Gee-no!” This was the largest victory of Confederate forces in Indian Territory
since 1861, perhaps of the entire war. The raiders did not pursue the
retreating Federals. They expected enemy reinforcements to arrive and they did
not want to be trapped in a risky battle. Instead they would use what time they
thought they had to take stock of captured wagons and their goods.[68]
Watie’s Triumph
Watie
counted 100 of the Union enemy killed and 85 captured. This could be an
overestimate, with another source listing 20 killed, 26 captured, and an
unknown number wounded.[69]
Gano also found dozens of white and black women and children in his hands. They
had been traveling to be with their soldier husbands and fathers. Gano offered
protection and safe passage north for the whites, but did not release the
blacks, who were likely sold as runaway property.[70]
These
are the overall Confederate casualties from Cabin Creek. The 29th
Texas suffered 1 killed, 10 wounded for a total of 11; the 30th
Texas 3 killed, 14 wounded for a total of 19; Martin’s Texas Cavalry 1 killed 4
wounded for a total of 5; Hardeman’s Battalion 1 killed, 4 wounded for a total
of 5; Head’s company 1 wounded, Welch’s company 1 killed, and Howell’s Battery
3 wounded. Overall Gano’s Texans suffered 7 killed, 38 wounded for a total of
45. Watie’s total losses are unclear. In one of his reports he mentioned 2
killed and a “few wounded.” Lieutenant Patterson of the Seminoles was the
highest-ranked among the dead. As for wounded, Major Vann was shot “severely
through the neck.”[71]
The
2,000 sets of clothes came in handy for the soldiers, as by this point they
were “literally ragged.” (one Texan said there was not enough for everybody so
a few still had to keep their rags on) The clothes were also timely, with
winter set to come within three months. One man, W.T. Sheppard, got a good pair
of boots for himself. Up to this point he had been barefoot, yet work homemade
spurs to help with riding. Unfortunately a fellow Texan had accidentally
stepped on one of his spurs and sent it slashing into his heel. He was thus
only able to wear one boot until the other foot healed.[72]
The
victors captured 8,000 blankets, which would come in handy for the refugee
families of the Confederates Indians.[73]
In his reports Hopkins added that he also “lost all my official correspondence,
copies of my returns of all Government property and commissions, and all
muster-rolls.”[74] Some
of the victors found “a trunk full of greenbacks.” The men were “foolish enough
to despise” this paper currency, unaware of the value it could during and after
the war.[75] Watie
graciously refused to keep any of the captured goods for himself. His men,
knowing that his family were living in desperate conditions as refugees in
north Texas, filled a wagon with food and clothes and sent it to his wife.[76]
Unfortunately
for some, the Texans and Indians found barrels of alcohol. Victorious, hungry,
and thirsty soldiers helped themselves to the liquor, with some disastrous
results. Captain William Welch was among those who consumed the alcohol. After
he had imbibed, he walked around with a revolver and fired at a Private Samuel
Henderson. It is not known what led to him to discharge his weapon, whether it
was mere drunkenness while holding a weapon or he perceived some slight from
the soldier. What is known is that he killed Henderson and the captain was
charged with disorderly conduct. A court-martial would convict him and order
his dismissal from Confederate service. His father Lieutenant-Colonel Otis
Welch would then use his influence to overturn his punishment.[77]
Before
departing the Confederates burned the hay at Cabin Creek. The flames could be
seen miles away. In total the Confederates captured about 250 wagons, but were
only able to carry off 129. They burned the rest. They also set fire to the
stockade. They claimed to have captured or destroyed 1.5 million dollars’ worth
of property.[78]
At
11 AM, Colonel James Williams’ column, exhausted after marching 82 miles with
their knapsacks, came upon Gano and Watie’s raiders at Pryor’s Creek. Though
his men were “completely exhausted” after marching 82 miles in 46 hours, he
“immediately formed my line and prepared to give battle.” This battle amounted
to skirmishing, said in one report to be an artillery duel. One Federal report
claimed that their Parrott guns outranged the Confederates’ giving them a solid
advantage. Their main target was Howell’s Battery. Captain John Graton of the 1st
Kansas Colored wrote, “The second shot from our guns struck right in front of
theirs, you had better believe there was some scampering to get away from
there…” This might have been the shot that sent a shell fragment into the
shoulder of the Texan battery’s Color Sergeant William T. Gauss. The fragment
also tore a hole in his already bullet-riddled flag.
Gano
claims that the Confederates pushed the Federals back over 3 miles. Over the
night they ran caissons and empty wagons around in circles to give the
impression that they were making camp with the captured vehicles. A thick line
of mounted men stood up on a prairie ridge to give the impression of a large,
battle-ready force. In truth they moved the train in another direction towards
the Arkansas River. Once this was accomplished the rear guard rode off,
Williams’ exhausted men unable to pursue. One of the rank-and-file did not
mention pushing the Union soldiers back, simply that they stopped and took a
simple detour. Williams boasted of sending the Confederates scurrying with his
Parrott guns. In truth they simply readjusted their route towards the
southwest. This is the last recorded action of the 1st Kansas
Colored, although they never actually got a chance to engage.[79]
Foreman’s
column also finally arrived and moved after the Confederates, but only came
upon the aftermath of the raid. They found their route lined by abandoned
“quartermaster and commissary stores.” He came upon a Doctor Ritchie and a
hospital full of wounded. Ritchie had stayed at his post after the others had
fled. He was able to prevent mass looting by the victors, quite a feat
considering many were drunk. Foreman claimed that if not for the doctor’s
presence, “the wounded would have been murdered and the hospital sacked.”
Foreman’s men spent the next day collecting abandoned supplies and burying the
dead.[80]
Captain Curtis Johnson of the 15th Kansas Cavalry helped collect
stragglers from Cabin Creek. He led a detachment of the 3rd
Wisconsin and a few Osage scouts to search for other survivors. Up through the
22nd they discovered isolated wagon teams, and mules, and human
survivors.[81]
The
survivors of the wagon train arrived at Fort Gibson at 7 AM, September 21. In
his report, Hopkins expressed annoyance at being misled. He claimed that
Foreman was supposed to be much closer to support him and also felt that he
could have been warned about larger enemy numbers as well as the presence of
artillery.[82]
Of those captured by the raiders, 7 made an escape attempt during the night. 3
were killed, but the rest escaped. Those still in Confederate hands ended up at
Camp Ford, a stockade prison outside Tyler, Texas. Many of the prisoners were
civilians, mostly teamsters. Most would remain there until May 22, 1865, after
the war’s official conclusion. They were thus among the last prisoners to be
freed.[83]
The
main controversy of the battle is the presence, or absence of Major Hopkins. In
his reports Hopkins mentioned that he was trying to stop the stampede of the
wagons and teamsters. Captain Nathaniel Lucas said he was nowhere to be found
during the main mid-morning fighting, and that his disappearance contributed to
the break in morale. Hopkins’ defenders
believed he had been cut off from his soldiers at one point, which was possible
given all the chaos. Others suspected that he had fled towards the Grand River
while it was still dark.[84]
Feelings
ran high in the far western Confederacy. General Maxey was enthused by the
“gallant rush” of Watie and the collection of captured goods. He noted that
many of these were intended for Pro-Union Cherokees and hoped that this would
“disaffect” them to the Union cause.[85]
Congratulations abounded. One order contained the following passage:
The brilliancy and completeness of this
expedition has not been excelled in the history of the war. Firm, brave, and
confident, the officers had but to order and the men cheerfully executed. The
whole having been conducted with perfect harmony between the war-torn veteran
Stand Watie, the chivalrous Gano, and their respective commands, ending with
the universal expression that they may again participate in like enterprises,
the commanding general hopes that they and the rest of the command may soon
have an opportunity to gather fresh laurels on other fields.[86]
The
Confederate Congress joined in. Far away on the other side of the Confederacy,
they were still impressed by the success of the raid and praised Watie and
Gano. President Jefferson Davis signed the official thanks. Elias Boudinot, the
Cherokees’ delegate in the Confederate Congress, sent a more private letter to
Watie telling him the “whole country is alive with the glorious news of your
success.”[87] The
victory at Cabin Creek, which had been the site of a defeat that had cemented
Federal control over much of Indian Territory, boosted Confederate morale in
the area. Reenlistments into Confederate service soared among the Indians.[88]
The
Last Great Battle
Though
his department had scored a tremendous victory, Maxey wanted his men to remain
vigilant and ready for more action. He wrote:
Soldiers! There is a cruel enemy still
cursing your country; there is still work to do. You have proven what you can
do. Remember that strict and cheerful obedience to orders, strict discipline,
and thorough drill will render you still more efficient as soldiers of the holy
cause. Your commanding general has every confidence in your ability and
willingness to take and perform any part you may yet have in the ensuing
campaign.[89]
However,
Watie’s Raid would prove to be the last major action in Indian Territory. Even
with all the captured goods, the Confederates would mount no more large scale
actions, much less attempt the oft-stated goal of taking the war into Kansas.
In southern Kansas, Union General George Sykes saw that the Confederates would
not pursue their raid further towards Fort Scott. He concluded that it would be
safe to send out another wagon train. Foreman went to Kansas for that very
purpose. Tellingly this train was pulled by steers instead of mules, the
implication being that Watie’s raid had deprived them of the latter. Meanwhile
the 1st Kansas Colored and Indian Home Guards still held Fort
Gibson, and about 100 of the latter set about operating nearby salt works.
There was actually serious talk amongst Federal generals of abandoning Indian
Territory. The raid had been so successful that they feared a resurgent
Confederate force would cut off and destroy their outposts. In reality the
Confederates in the territory and North Texas were still too underequipped to follow
up their victory. The raid did accomplish its goal of drawing attention away
from Arkansas, where Price launched his large invasion (or in his view
liberation) of Missouri. However Price would make some early missteps and
Federals from around the Trans-Mississippi would be able to consolidate against
him.[90]
Stand
Watie would conduct further raids and would be the last Confederate general to
surrender on June 23, 1865. The sutler firm of McDonald and Fuller had lost
60,000$ worth of wagons in the Cabin Creek raid. After the war they asked Watie
to come to Washington D.C. and provide details on how and when he captured the
wagons, likely for insurance purposes. Watie actually tried to gain a
commission as the commander of a US Cherokee battalion. Perhaps enjoying his
status and reputation as a warrior, he hoped to do more fighting with the
Plains Indians.[91]
Today Cabin Creek actually holds a fair number of monuments, albeit mostly simple markers. The United Daughters of the Confederacy arranged for the most prominent one, a large granite piece commemorating the Confederate victory. The creek where black soldiers from the 1st Kansas Colored failed to hide from the enemy was for a long time called Nigger Creek. A petition saw it renamed as Battle Creek, as the racist name would appear on local maps to the embarrassment of many.[92] As for the 1st Kansas Colored, it would see no more recorded fighting actions after Flat Creek. Still, it finished the war as one of the few units in the war to have suffered more deaths from combat than disease. While it participated far from the major theatres of war, it played a large role in proving the bravery and fortitude of blacks. They defeated overwhelming numbers at Island Mound, played an essential role in the 1863 victories in Indian Territory, and held off larger numbers at Poison Spring and Flat Rock before succumbing to unbeatable pressure. They further convinced many that they deserved citizenship and the vote as well as the gun.[93]
Here's the link to a trailer for a documentary on Amazon Prime.
Sources
Abel, Annie
Heloise. The American Indian in the Civil
War, 1862-1865. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992.
Britton, Wiley. The Union Indian Brigade in the Civil War.
Kansas City: F. Hudson Publishing Co., 1922.
Grayson, G.W. A Creek Warrior for the Confederacy: the
Autobiography of Chief G.W. Grayson. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1988.
Hancock, Marvin
J. “The Second Battle of Cabin Creek, 1864.” The Chronicles of Oklahoma Vol. 39, No. 4, 1959.
John R. Graton
Letters, Kansas Historical Society.
Josephy, Alvin M. The Civil War in the American West.
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991.
Knight, Wilfred.
Red Fox: Stand Watie’s Civil War Years in
Indian Territory. Glendale: A.H. Clark Co., 1988.
Monaghan, Jay. The Civil War on the Western Border,
1854-1865. Boston: First Bison Book Publishing, 1955.
Spurgeon,
Ian Michael. Soldiers in the Army of
Freedom: The 1st Kansas Colored, the Civil War's First African American Combat
Unit. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014.
United States. The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies Vol. XXXI, XLI Parts 1 & 2. Washington D.C.
1893.
Warren,
Steven L. The Second Battle of Cabin
Creek: Brilliant Victory. Hoopla Edition, History Press, 2012.
Waugh, John C. Sam Bell Maxey and the Confederate Indians.
Fort Worth: Ryan Place Publishers, 1995.
Yeary, Mamie. Reminiscences of the Boys in Gray, 1861-1865.
Dallas: Smith & Lamar, 1912.
[1] Ian Michael Spurgeon, Army of Freedom:
The 1st Kansas Colored, the Civil War's First African American Combat Unit, (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014),
231-232.
[2] Marvin J. Hancock,
“Second Battle of Cabin Creek,” The Chronicles
of Oklahoma Vol. 39, No. 4, 1959, 415; Alvin M. Josephy, The Civil War in the American West, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), 376-377.
[3] United States. The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate
Armies Vol. XXIV, 945.
[4] OR XXXIV, 945-946.
[5] Joseph L. Warren,
Second Battle of Cabin Creek, (History
Press, 2012), hoopla, 24; Knight, Red
Fox: Stand Watie’s Civil War Years in Indian Territory, (Glendale: A.H.
Clark Co., 1988), 220-222; Josephy, American
West, 377.
[6] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 19-21.
[7] Mamie Yeary, Reminiscences of the Boys in Gray, 1861-1865,
(Dallas: Smith & Lamar, 1912), 831.
[8] John C. Waugh, Sam Bell Maxey and the Confederate Indians,
(Fort Worth: Ryan Place Publishers, 1995), 71-73.
[9] Knight, Red Fox, 239.
[10] Wiley Britton, The Union Indian Brigade in the Civil War,
(Kansas City: F. Hudson Publishing Co., 1922), 436-437.
[11] Annie Heloise
Abel, The American Indian in the Civil
War, 1862-1865, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), 332-33.
[12] OR XLI, part 1, 794, 767;
Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek,
hoopla, 32.
[13] OR XLI, part 1, 767.
[14] OR XLI, part 1, 784-785.
[15] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 19, 21.
[16] OR XLI, part 1, 777.
[17] OR XLI, part 1, 781-782, part 2,
1082.
[18] OR XLI, part 1,
780-785; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin
Creek, hoopla, 27.
[19] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 17; G.W. Grayson, A Creek Warrior for the Confederacy: the
Autobiography of Chief G.W. Grayson, (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1988), 96.
[20] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 21.
[21] Hancock,
“Second Battle of Cabin Creek,” 417.
[22] OR XLI, part 1,
785; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek,
hoopla, 27.
[23] OR XLI, part 1,
771; Britton, Indian Brigade,
437-438; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin
Creek, hoopla, 27; John R. Graton to Dear Wife, September 29, 1864, Graton
Letters, Kansas Historical Society.
[24] OR XLI, part 1, 789; Knight, Red Fox, 241; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
27;
[25] OR XLI, part 1, 771-772.
[26] OR XLI, part 1, 772, 785.
[27] OR XLI, part 1,
772; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek,
hoopla, 31; Knight, Red Fox, 243;
Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 233.
[28] OR XLI, part 1, 772, 789.
[29] Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 234-235; Grayson, Creek Warrior, 95.
[30] OR XLI, part 1, 772.
[31] Grayson, Creek Warrior, 96.
[32] Yeary, Reminiscences, 46; Warren, Second
Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 33; Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 237.
[33] OR XLI, part 1, 772, 789.
[34] OR XLI, part 1, 776.
[35] OR XLI, part 1, 772, 785.
[36] OR XLI, part 1, 786.
[37] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 36, 67.
[38] OR XLI, part 1, 767.
[39] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 115.
[40] OR XLI, part 1, 767, 770, 773;
Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek,
hoopla, 18.
[41] OR XLI, part 1, 767-768, 773.
[42] Dr. George A.
Moore, “Recollections of a Kansas Pioneer” in Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 111.
[43] OR XLI, part 1, 786; Britton, Indian Brigade, 441-442.
[44] OR XLI, part 1, 786; Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
116-117.
[45] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 39.
[46] OR XLI, part 1, 767, 773, 790;
Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek,
hoopla, 37.
[47] OR XLI, part 1,
768, 773; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin
Creek, hoopla, 39.
[48] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 38.
[49] Dr. George A.
Moore, “Recollections of a Kansas Pioneer” in Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 112.
[50] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
40; Knight, Red Fox, 250.
[51] OR XLI, part 1, 790.
[52] Grayson, Creek Warrior, 100-101.
[53] Grayson, Creek Warrior, 100.
[54] Knight, Red Fox, 250; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
115.
[55] OR XLI, part 1, 797-768, 790.
[56] Grayson, Creek Warrior, 101.
[57] Grayson, Creek Warrior, 102.
[58] OR XLI, part 1, 790.
[59] Grayson, Creek Warrior, 102-103.
[60] Grayson, Creek Warrior, 105.
[61] OR XLI, part 1, 790.
[62] Dr. George A.
Moore, “Recollections of a Kansas Pioneer” in Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 112.
[63] OR XLI, part 1,
790.
[64] OR XLI, part 1, 768, 787;
Grayson, Creek Warrior, 105-106
[65] OR XLI, part 1,
768, 787.
[66] Dr. George A.
Moore, “Recollections of a Kansas Pioneer” in Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 112-113.
[67] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 42, 45.
[68] Yeary, Reminiscences, 353; Hancock, “Second Battle of Cabin Creek,” 421.
[69] OR XLI, part 1,
784.
[70] Yeary, Reminiscences, 251; Warren, Second
Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 48.
[71] OR XLI, part 1, 784, 787, 792.
[72] OR XLI, part 1,
777-780; Yeary, Reminiscences, 46,
684.
[73] OR XLI, part 1, 779.
[74] OR XLI, part 1,
769.
[75] Yeary, Reminiscences, 831.
[76] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 54.
[77] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 47, 71-72.
[78] OR XLI, part 1, 774, 778, 784,
791.
[79] OR XLI, part 1, 765-766, 791;
Knight, Red Fox, 255; John R. Graton
to Dear Wife, September 29, 1864, Graton Letters, Kansas Historical Society;
Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 240-241;
Grayson, Creek Warrior, 104; Yeary, Reminiscences, 832; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
51; Britton, Indian Brigade, 445.
[80] OR XLI, part 1, 766.
[81] OR XLI, part 1, 775-776.
[82] OR XLI, part 1, 768.
[83] OR XLI, part 1, 780; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
55, 122.
[84] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
46.
[85] OR XLI, part 1, 777-780; Yeary, Reminiscences, 46.
[86] OR XLI, part 1,
793.
[87] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 59; Waugh, Sam Bell Maxey, 78.
[88] Hancock, “Second Battle of Cabin
Creek,” 424; Waugh, Sam Bell Maxey,
78-79.
[89] OR XLI, part 1, 794.
[90] OR XLI, part 1,
765, 779; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin
Creek, hoopla, 60-62; Josephy, American
West, 377.
[91] Jay Monaghan, The Civil War on the Western Border,
1854-1865, (Boston: First Bison Book Publishing, 1955), 310; Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla,
62.
[92] Warren, Second Battle of Cabin Creek, hoopla, 13, 31.
[93] Spurgeon, Army of Freedom, 252.
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