Cyrus the Great: A Short Bio (part 2 of 2)

 

An Enemy and an Ally

 The fledgling Persian Empire was to face its first serious challenge. The Lydian kingdom, situated in western Anatolia, contained extensive gold fields, so much so that the name of its ruler King Croesus remains heavily associated with wealth. As with the Persians, knowledge of the Lydians has been almost exclusively channeled through Greek sources, to the point that they can be confused with Greeks themselves. Over 35 years earlier, the Lydians and Medes were embroiled in a massive war. On May 28 in 585 BC, a solar eclipse suddenly came and frightened the two sides into a truce, with Astyages marrying the daughter of the Lydian king. Now, with Astyages dead and the Medes subsumed into a new empire, Croesus saw an opportunity to finish the war that the gods had seemingly put to an end (Herodotus makes the alternate claim that he sought to avenge Astyages, who was his brother-in-law). He believed that Cyrus would not be ready to repel a Lydian invasion, and was emboldened in his plans by the Oracles of Apollo. These prophets had divined that he would destroy an empire.

Golden coin of Croesus.

Though seemingly encouraged by the gods, Croesus bettered his odds through alliances with his neighbors. He gained the support of Babylon, Egypt, and Sparta, a grand alliance that threatened to destroy the new Persian Empire. These were defensive alliances, meaning they would not march into Persian territory with him, but they would come to his aid if the roles of attacker and defender were reversed. Croesus struck for Pteria, a city near the Black Sea. Cyrus responded quickly and effectively. To ensure that his army was well supplied, he purchased thousands of camels from the Arabs and gave each regiment of men its own baggage train.

Top Ten Greek Gods and Goddesses

 No gods are more well known to the western world than those of the Greeks. Greek mythology is extensive, with hundreds if not thousands of myths having been passed down over the centuries. It’s like the fictional universes of Marvel or DC, with a large cast of characters who manage to connect to each other in a complicated web of tales. Many phrases have been derived from it: “caught in a net," “Pandora’s box," “caught between a rock and a hard place," “Herculean effort." Its gods, though no longer worshipped, show up in many places. Sea kings and mermen with tridents come from Poseidon and lesser sea deity Triton. Speedy characters and icons such as DC hero the Flash wear winged shoes or helmets like Hermes. The idea of God striking people with lightning is a leftover from Zeus. These are my top ten Greek gods, and while there were many to choose from, it was easy to find my favorites since most of the very colorful characters are confined to the twelve Olympians, the elite circle of the pantheon.

10th. Hermes

Hermes has the role of the messenger of the Gods. His functions for humanity make a long list. He is the god of travel, trade, speech, sports, borders, searching, and even thieves, and guides the dead to the underworld. Like many of the Olympians, he is the son of Zeus, his particular mother being mountain nymph Maia. Although important in an official capacity to both the gods and mankind, Hermes also has the reputation of a trickster. One well known example is when, while still in his infancy, he decided to steal Apollo’s prized herd of cattle. He reversed the hooves of their feet, so when he led them away it looked as if they went in the opposite direction. Apollo was angry and confused, but did eventually find his half-brother and bring him to Zeus for trial. Zeus found the whole affair hilarious and rather than punish Hermes simply ordered him to return the stolen cattle.

Cyrus the Great: A Short Bio (part 1 of 2)

 

The Ancient Persian (or Achaemenid) Empire dominated the Middle East from roughly 550 to 330 BC. Compared to its predecessors in the region, it lasted a long time and came to be seen as a model for empire-building, even by its eventual destroyer Alexander the Great. It was founded by another “The Great,” Cyrus the Great. Cyrus is one of the more highly regarded ancient rulers. Many respect him for his, by the standards of the time, generosity and mercy towards conquered peoples. He rarely massacred entire populations and did not often resort to mass enslavement either. He let local rulers stay on as part of his administration, creating a soft rule over his holdings. Cyrus is also a legend among many in Iran, as he was the one who catapulted their Persian ancestors to the status of a great civilization. Judaism and Christianity alike also have a positive image of him as he allowed the captive Hebrews to return to the Levant and rebuild their cities (though as it turns out there is a caveat on this matter).

Despite his importance to world history, we know very little about Cyrus. What has been passed down is largely suspect. Little contemporary records exist from the time of his life and most of these, such as the Nabonidus Verse Account and Cyrus Cylinder, are obvious pieces of propaganda from a time when people did not have a widely circulated press, much less the internet, to seek out the truth. Most ancient sources are actually Greek histories. These were written decades to hundreds of years after the events of Cyrus’ life. They were based on Persian historical legends and orally transmitted hearsay, and then filtered through Greek biases. The most popular Greek sources is Xenophon’s account of his time as a Greek mercenary in a Persian civil war. Xenophon related many tales he heard of Cyrus the Elder. Ironically it’s riddled with literary liberties and inaccuracies as well as the promotion of the author’s Greek beliefs. Concerning the Cyrus the Great’s characteristics, Xenophon falsely depicts him embracing and spouting Socratic philosophy while also worshipping the Greek pantheon of gods and goddesses. The most respected source is Herodotus’ Histories. The father of historians, Herodotus carefully weighted various accounts and tried to piece together the most likely narrative.

Christopher Ellet's Gladiators & Beast Hunts: Arena Sports of Ancient Rome

Epplett, Christopher. Gladiators & Beast Hunts: Arena Sports of Ancient Rome. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Military, 2016.

Gladiators & Beast Hunts is one of my many impulse buys while searching through the Half-Price Books store. In it Christopher Epplett, an ancient history teacher who specializes in Ancient Rome’s sporting events, looks at the origins, purpose, and demise of gladiatorial combat and the venationes, the beast hunts. He decides to not cover the chariot races, more interested in the violent sports and why the Romans were so enamored by them. He also has a couple chapters focusing on how the games were supplied and held and how certain gladiators (and even some animals) achieved celebrity status. Gladiators & Beast Hunts is a fairly short book, more along the lines of an extended master’s thesis, and should make for a brisk yet highly informative read.

Epplett traces the origins of the gladiatorial games to Etruscan and early Roman funerary customs. When a wealthy man or woman died, the other rich spectators were treated to a gladiatorial duel. The Venatio (beast hunt) also originated as the sport of the elite. The animals in the games were slaughtered rather than captured. Over time these violent spectacles were introduced to the common Roman masses. By the later republic they became an essential part of Roman life.

The Battle of Mill Springs Part III: General Thomas' First Victory

 

The Federal Counter-Attack

General George Thomas arrived to find Manson’s two regiments and Wolford’s Cavalry fighting an assault from a cornfield, their right about to be overlapped. Wolford rode up to him and shouted, “General, the men in your front are nearly out of ammunition!” Thomas responded, “Tell them to hold their line; that McCook is coming up on their right.” He furthermore made sure that the 9^th Ohio, his best trained regiment, would anchor the critical right flank. The 9^th Ohio consisted of German immigrants who had served in European armies. Colonel Robert McCook, their brigade commander, had in fact once personally created and led their regiment. He believed that a unit made up entirely of German military veterans would be among the best in the army. General George McClellan, who managed the Ohio and western Virginia theater at the start of the war, agreed and once stated that the 9^th Ohio was the best he had “seen in either Europe or America.” In addition to advancing the infantry, Thomas masterfully redeployed his artillery. The general hurried forward Captain Kenny’s battery and placed it on the left of the 4^th Kentucky. Kenny’s gunners “opened an efficient fire.” The bulk of the 10^th Indiana replenished its ammunition. Now Thomas sent them to the left of the 4^th Kentucky.[1]

The timing of Thomas’ arrival contributed to a controversy that arose after the battle. In his report Thomas said he arrived to find the 10^th Indiana standing close to their camp while the 4^th Kansas was fighting at the front. Colonel McCook negatively reported that the 2^nd Minnesota found its path obstructed by scattered Indianans, all in need of ammunition. By contrast Manson claimed that the 10^th Indiana held the enemy in check for an hour. He got this information from Kise, colonel of the 10^th Indiana. Because Kise’s report contradicted other regimental reports, he actually faced a court-martial for falsifying his report. Veterans of the 10^th Indiana, their own honor at stake, denied these accusations. Their regimental history of course made the boast that “for an hour and a quarter the regiment fought and no help from the rear.” Stuart W. Sanders, who wrote the sesquicentennial history of the battle, offered an explanation as to why the reports contradicted each other. He believes that other regiments tried to prop up their own roles in the fight while also evading criticism for not reinforcing Kise earlier. He points out that letters from soldiers right after the battle, as well as enemy reports, clearly established that the 10^th Indiana held Zollicoffer at bay for at least 45 minutes. My limited research for this post leads me to agree, as several Confederate reports clearly mentioned that their advances were checked by the 10^th Indiana. Also in the Hoosiers’ defense they were in desperate need of ammunition and in little condition to be holding the front at that point. They were close to camp because that was where more ammunition could be found.[2]

The Battle of Mill Springs Part II: Manson vs. Zollicoffer

 Order of Battle

Union

Brigadier-General George Thomas

            Second Brigade: Colonel Mahlon D. Manson

                        10^th Indiana: Lieutenant-Colonel William C. Kise

                        4^th Kentucky: Colonel Speed Smith Fry

                        Company C of the 14^th Ohio: Captain J.W. Brown

            Third Brigade: Colonel Robert L. McCook

                        2^nd Minnesota: Colonel Horatio Phillips Van Cleve

                        9^th Ohio: Major Gustave Kammerling

            Twelfth Brigade: Colonel Samuel P. Carter

                        12^th Kentucky: Colonel William A. Hoskins

                        1^st Tennessee: Colonel Robert K. Byrd

                        2^nd Tennessee: Colonel James P.T. Carter

                        1^st Kentucky Cavalry: Colonel Frank L. Wolford

            Battery B, 1^st Ohio Artillery: Captain William E. Standart

            Battery C, 1^st Ohio Artillery: Captain Dennis Kenny, Jr.

            9^th Ohio Battery: Captain Henry S. Wetmore

 

Confederate

Major-General George B. Crittenden

            First Brigade: Brigadier-General Felix K. Zollicoffer

                        15^th Mississippi Rifles: Colonel W.S. Statham

                        19^th Tennessee: Colonel David H. Cummings

                        20^th Tennessee: Colonel Joel A. Battle

                        25^th Tennessee: Colonel Sidney S. Stanton

                        Tennessee Cavalry Company: Captain William S. Bledsoe

                        Tennessee Cavalry Company: Captain Q.C. “Ned” Sanders

                        Kentucky Cavalry Company: Captain B.E. Roberts

                        Tennessee Battery: Captain Arthur M. Rutledge

            Second Brigade: Brigadier-General William H. Carroll

                        16^th Alabama: Colonel William B. Wood

                        17^th Tennessee: Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas C.H. Miller

                        28^th Tennessee: Colonel John P. Murray

                        29^th Tennessee Infantry: Colonel Samuel Powell

                        Caswell Artillery: Captain Hugh L.W. McClunk

                        4^th Tennessee Cavalry Battalion: Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin M. Branner

                        5^th Tennessee Cavalry Battalion: Lieutenant-Colonel George R. McClellan[1]

 

Overall, the coming battle would see 4,400 men under General George H. Thomas take on 5,900 under General George B. Crittenden. Unlike many other major battles the Confederates held a considerable numerical advantage, and the Union forces were not fully consolidated yet. Thomas commanded a somewhat disparate force which had yet to really operate together on campaign. One note of interest is that this battle for Kentucky saw more of that state’s men on the Federal side. These would see themselves as fighting off an invasion and thus have strong motivations. The Confederate army was almost entirely Tennessean.

The Battle of Mill Springs Part I: The Contested Border

 

Early in the Civil War the Union and Confederate armies tried to win over the more indecisive border areas separating North and South. A key early victory could convince tens of thousands of fence-sitters to firmly pledge allegiance to one side. In Kentucky’s case, the battle that cemented Kentucky’s stay in the Union was a battle north of Mill Springs. The Battle of Mill Springs is the widely accepted name of the battle, used at both the battlefield site and its official website. However the battle sported a record number of names based on the various locations around the battlefield: The Battle of Beech Grove, the Battle of Cliff Creek, the Battle of the Cumberland, of Fishing Creek, Logan’s Crossroads, Logan’s Fields, Somerset, Webb’s Crossroads, and more. In fact, Mill Springs was south of the Cumberland River, while the fighting occurred on the north side.[1] This was also the first major battle for General George H. Thomas, one of the Union’s most revered generals.

 

Kentucky Shifts Union

It initially looked like Kentucky, birthplace of both the Union and Confederate presidents, would join the Confederate cause. John C. Breckinridge, former vice-president and failed pro-Southern Democrat presidential candidate, held considerable influence over the state and Governor Beriah Magoffin was sympathetic to secession. The Kentucky State Guard under General Simon B. Buckner was also mostly composed of secessionists while the Unionists had no comparable military force. However, enough Unionists existed in the state legislature to force a compromise stance of neutrality. Political observers pointed out that by taking a different course from the Northern states, Kentucky still affirmed the South’s goal of state sovereignty. President Lincoln agreed that the state held considerable Confederate sympathies, but pointed out that at least its residents were not actively fighting the Union. On the other hand Kentucky still traded horses, mules, salt and even ammunition to the Confederacy.

Ten American Civil War Era Films to Watch

In contrast to some more recent wars, the American Civil War, despite its prominence in historical literature and television documentaries, has not prompted a slew of high profile films. The war was a popular film subject in the silent era, understandable since it was in literal living memory at the dawn of the 20^th Century. Afterwards, however, full-fledged Civil War films grew quite rare. The reason is that an accurate portrayal of events like the Battle of Antietam would require a lot of money and effort put into costuming, battle scenes, etc. This would not be an issue if there was a guaranteed audience. Many moviegoers have strong views on the war or little interest in historical dramas to start with, so spending tens of millions of dollars on a battle epic is a risky venture.

I make this a list of Civil War “Era” rather than Civil War films as my pool of selections is somewhat shallow. Numerous films tie into the war. Many, however, are home front dramas (adaptations of Little Women provide many examples). Still more are westerns, and these are either based on or inspired by Quantrill’s Raiders or use the war as a background for more typical genre staples like fighting Apaches or tales of personal vengeance. As with my list of ten World War II films to watch, I made my selections to cover various aspects of the Civil War Era rather than the actual top ten best movies. I will not include the two mini-series The Blue and the Gray and North and South. My super-quick summary is that the former has some cheesy production values but more relatable characters while the latter has much higher quality in costumes and battle scenes but much more over-the-top drama. I also will not list “relevant recommendations” but instead have a brief list of other films to check out with a quick summary/opinion.

The First Battle of Cabin Creek (June 30-July 2, 1863)

 

This is something of a follow-up to my post on the Battle of Island Mound. This covers the next significant battle of the 1^st Kansas at Cabin Creek. Though I am going through the regiment’s battles, this post is not primarily focused on them outside the opening. While the Battle of Cabin Creek saw more men and had more significance in a strategic sense, I actually found even less information on the fighting itself then I did on Island Mound.  Thus this is more of a prelude on a planned future post covering the Battle of Honey Springs.

 

The 1^st Kansas Joins the U.S. Army

After Island Mound, the 1^st Kansas Colored Regiment saw no action for a long while. It still experienced a major event at the start of 1863. Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation went into effect. This proclamation declared all slaves in rebellious territories free and further authorized the use of black soldiers in the armed services. The 1^st Kansas Colored Regiment was now officially recognized as part of the US Army and would also receive Federal pay. On January 8 Brigadier-General General James G. Blunt, who was assigned command of the Department of Kansas and was expected to deal with the mostly Confederate-held Indian Territory, personally inspected the regiment at Fort Scott. The order and discipline of the soldiers impressed him and Blunt determined to utilize them when for his major 1863 campaign.

Price's Northern Offensive (August-September, 1861), Part III: The Fall of Lexington

 

Dave Gallon's Battle of the Hemp Bales

No Relief

September 19 saw a return to sporadic shooting. One reason for the lowered intensity of the fighting was an intercepted Federal message. From it Price learned of Sturgis’ relief column, only a few miles away. He sent Parsons and Jackson’s divisions north to block him. While they moved out, Price shifted his men around, trying to find the most advantageous position from which to launch another assault. Guardsmen with squirrel rifles perched themselves on tree limbs. These sharpshooters had a good view of the Federals in their trenches and caused “many hasty and shallow burials.” When the battle was over, one of these poorly dug graves resulted in a protruding foot.[1]

The situation grew ever more desperate for the defenders. Throughout the 18^th, 19^th, and 20^th no reinforcements appeared to relieve them. Water was running low and many of the wounded were suffering the agony of thirst. On every day the two sides engaged in shootouts, which the defenders had to fight “without water, their parched lips cracking, their tongues swollen, and the blood running down their chins when they bit their cartridges and the saltpeter entered their blistered lips”. Fortunately there were brief rainfalls. As their water sources were gradually cut off, the defenders spread their blankets on the ground to collect the rainwater. Once the blankets were saturated, they “wrung them in their camp-dishes.” Bevier recalled how the Federals would send out a woman to collect water for them. Though the State Guardsmen were “rough and uncouth” and given to hurling “profane language” at the female, they  could not bring themselves to shoot her, and any attempt to stop her physically resulted in fire from the Federal works.[2]

Price's Northern Offensive (August-September, 1861), Part II: The Siege of Lexington

The Fight of September 13

The Missouri State Guard was in sight of Lexington. Price wasted little time in attempting to seize the town. He deployed his infantry and artillery and gunned for a bridge which would quickly take his force into the town. When the Rebels crossed the bridge, Mulligan sent out two companies of the 13^th Missouri as well as company K of the 23^rd Illinois. The two sides confronted each other within the cornfields of farmer Isaac Hockaday, the Federals behind hemp bales and the State Guardsmen behind a fence. Hockaday had gone out to look for his neighbor so they could organize an evacuation. Instead he found himself cut off from his family as his corn field turned into a fire zone. Later reflecting on the chaos around his and his neighbors’ homes, and the ensuing destruction to their property, he wrote sadly, “I feel as if we had better lost all of our negroes than suffered as we have already…” Price withdrew from the indecisive skirmish. The Federals took advantage of this break in action to burn the bridge. With more of his army pulling up, Price changed the direction of his attack. He wheeled his army to come from the west on Independence Road.[1]

Price’s new avenue of attack scattered some cavalry pickets. Six companies of Federal infantry exited the town to meet the Guardsmen, hiding in hedges and cornfields on the east side of the road. At the head of Price’s force were horse soldiers. The Federals held their fire until they were just about 150 yards away. Then they revealed themselves. The sudden deluge of fire frightened the horses and the cavalry had to spur away. This gave the infantry problems. The horses ran over a couple unfortunates and others had to run to get out of the way. This also meant they went into battle with a distinct air of confusion, not helped by the well-concealed Federals in the cornfield. After getting behind the infantry, the cavalrymen got off their unreliable mounts and returned to the front to fight it out on foot.[2]

Price's Northern Offensive (August-September, 1861), Part I: The Roads to Lexington

 

When noon struck on August 10, 1861, the hills and fields around Wilson’s Creek were covered with the dead, dying, and maimed. The Confederate Army, along with the allied Missouri State Guard, had won the second major battle of the Civil War. Earlier that year Missouri had voted to stay in the Union, but only as a neutral bystander in the emerging conflict. Unconditional Unionists and Secessionists alike had other plans, trying to seize control of Missouri’s arsenals. The pro-Confederate governor, Claiborne Jackson reorganized the militia into the Missouri State Guard and placed it under the command of former governor, state senator, and Mexican War veteran Sterling Price. The State Guard was ostensibly meant to protect Missouri’s armed neutrality and after the start of hostilities to protect the state from Federal intervention without necessarily joining the Confederacy. As a result many of the men in its ranks favored their home state over the idea of a Confederate nation and some even switched sides when they felt that it was better for Missouri to stay in the Union.

Sterling Price, command of the State Guard. Before
the war he was a prominent politicians who served
in both Missouri and the US House of Representatives
as well as governor of Missouri from 1853 to 1857.

The Missouri State Guard consisted on nine divisions, each representing one of nine military districts. These were not proper divisions, being all over the place in size. Most were brigade-sized, save for the Eighth Division which included thousands of Bushwhackers and other participants as well as victims of Bleeding Kansas. Between the lack of Federal funding, inconsistent Confederate support, and fast-moving events, the State Guard was chronically short on supplies, logistics, and time for drill and discipline.

The Battle of Island Mound (October 29, 1862)

Well before the 54^th Massachusetts stormed Fort Wagner and well before contrabands-turned-soldiers repulsed a Confederate assault at Milliken’s Bend, a regiment of black soldiers, many of them only recently escaped from slavery, fought and bled against Rebel forces, near the Kansas-Missouri border. Far from the central command in Washington D.C., Unionists in the Trans-Mississippi were able to act somewhat independently. This unfortunately resulted in violent guerilla bands called Jayhawkers, who entered into a mutual war of terror with Rebel Bushwhackers. There was a positive, however, the first regiment of black soldiers. This unit, the 1^st Kansas Colored, was hastily formed and entered into battle before Lincoln even authorized the creation of black regiments. Their trial of fire was the Battle of Island Mound, a furious skirmish with Confederate partisans in western Missouri.

This battle is mostly known simply for being the first use of a full black regiment in a Civil War battle. There are scant sources on it and actual primary sources can be counted on one hand. I plan to make this an ongoing series that covers the battle history of the 1^st Kansas. Not only was it the first true, if unauthorized, black regiment to fight for the Union, it fought in the Trans-Mississippi theatre (my area of focus), and in contrast to the more famous 54^th Massachusetts actually had a good win-loss record.

Sean McMeekin's Stalin's War: A New History of World War II

McMeekin, Sean. Stalin’s War: A New History of World War II. New York City: Basic Books, 2021.

Sean McMeekin is known for his work early 20^th Century Russian and Ottoman history, with special emphasis on the World War I and Russian Revolution era. In Stalin’s War he takes a deep look into World War II and presents a revisionist narrative that is certain to grab attention. With Stalin’s War, McMeekin seeks to challenge the conventional narrative, that the Second World War was “a heroic struggle between good and evil.” In particular he takes issues with the notion that Hitler was the personal driving force of the worldwide conflict. Instead it should be Stalin, head of the Soviet Union, who encouraged the other great powers to tear each other apart so that his communist nation could swoop in and exert its power over the world. McMeekin points out that Stalin’s influence was felt in both the European and Pacific Wars, while Nazi Germany only had a significant role in the former.

The Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact enabled Stalin to make a series of easy conquests in Eastern Europe while the Germans fought a much tougher war against the Western Allies.  The Soviets got into a brief war with the Japanese, but were successful. Instead of using their leverage to drive back the Japanese for good, the Soviets gave them a free hand to continue their war with China. This kept Japan and Chiang’s Nationalists embroiled in the slog of war, while Mao’s Communists were able to sit back in their northern strongholds (McMeekin also points out that after 1945 the Soviets gave ample military resources to Mao with which to conquer China. The Americans by contrast withheld aid from Chiang and demanded that he form a peaceful government with the Communists, a totally unrealistic expectation). Stalin’s goal of making the great powers wear each other down through attrition was thrown off when Hitler struck him and rolled back all his 1939-1941 conquests. Now he had to go to the Western Allies for aid.

The New Mexico Campaign, 1861-1862 Part VII: Remembrance and Assessment

 

Remembrance & Historiography

At the end of the campaign Albert Peticolas, having just endured the horrid retreat from New Mexico, noted in his journal that “our operations out here will all be lost in history, when such great struggles are going on nearer home…”[1] The Civil War in the Southwest would indeed be considered a sideshow, though it would receive a few articles in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. One of the writers, Brigadier-General Latham Anderson, attempted to argue the importance of the campaign. He wrote that if Sibley’s men had reached California, they would have doubtlessly created a strong presence in the state and created large implications for the Union war effort. With California’s coastline added to Confederate territory, the already strained Union blockade would have lost any effectiveness. However, such grand ramifications, even when expressed by a Civil War veteran and late 19^th Century general, remain speculative as Sibley’s campaign was done in before it could ever get out of New Mexico.[2] Only one Confederate, Teel, provided an article in which he castigated Sibley. “He did not husband his resources, and was too prone to let the morrow take care of itself,” he wrote. Teel believed that if Baylor had been given command, “the result might have been different.”[3] There was some argument among the Union contributors over Canby’s leadership, but this failed to spark any great historical inquiry into the campaign.

Some veterans kept memories of the campaign more alive through unit histories or published speeches. Once these survivors had died off, the war for the Far West became a piece of trivia, unknown by many. It often did not garner a mention in general Civil War histories, including Bruce Catton’s centennial trilogy. This is not to say that historians totally forgot about it. Several books were published in the 50s and 60s. Sibley’s campaign was presented in Robert Lee Kerby’s The Confederate Invasion of New Mexico and Arizona (1958), Martin Hardwick Hall’s Sibley’s New Mexico Campaign (1960), and several other works. Hall’s account of the campaign was the expansion of a doctoral dissertation, fleshed out with a wealth of newly discovered sources. Arthur Wright’s The Civil War in the Southwest (1964), is actually oriented around the adventures of James Carleton’s California Column rather than Sibley’s battles with Canby and the Coloradans.

Louis Allen's Burma: The Longest War, 1941-1945 (Book Review)

 

Allen, Louis. Burma: The Longest War, 1941-1945. Harry N. Abrams, 2019. London Phoenix Press, 1984.

The Burmese front in World War II is called the “Forgotten War”. In fact it was referred to as this even while it was still being fought. In Southeast Asia, it was the lowest on the Allies’ priorities in supply and strategy. Thus it is often overlooked, though there is sizeable literature on the subject. One of the most valuable sources on this front is Louis Allen’s The Longest War. Allen actually served there as an intelligence officer. With his wartime intelligence work and knowledge of the Japanese language, he not only relied on British sources, but also delved into Japanese ones through archival material and interviews with veterans (there were more survivors from continental than island fronts, as soldiers had somewhere to withdraw if defeated). Thus, unlike many other works on the Burma Campaign, the Japanese side of the story is exhaustively covered.

John Matteson's A Worse Place Than Hell (book review)

 

Matteson, John. A Worse Place Than Hell: How the Civil War Battle of Fredericksburg Changed a Nation. W.W. Norton & Company, February 9, 2021.

For this book, English professor John Matteson, who has won a Pulitzer Prize, delves into history by examining the lives of five people who endured the misery of the Battle of Fredericksburg. Through his career is in English, Matteson is well versed in 19^th Century American literature and thus already had good historical context going into his research for this book. In fact three of his five chosen characters are familiar to literature enthusiasts. There is the great American poet Walt Whitman. There is Little Women author Louisa May Alcott. Both served as nurses at the battle, Alcott in an official capacity and Whiteman in an unofficial one. Chaplain Arthur Fuller was the brother of Margaret Fuller, journalist and women’s rights advocate as well as the subject of Matteson’s Pulitzer-winning biography. The most familiar names is Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., an officer in the 20^th Massachusetts and future Supreme Court Justice. Finally, to represent the Confederate side, Matteson looks at John Pelham, the commander of Jeb Stuart’s horse artillery. Matteson delves into the intimate personal lives of these five figures, each who experienced a critical moment at the Battle of Fredericksburg.

The New Mexico Campaign, 1861-1862 Part VI: The Retreat

Canby Strikes Back

Canby, still unaware of the decisive victory at Glorieta Pass, had decided to finally leave the safety of Fort Craig and go after Sibley. He had an army of 1,210 men. Though this was smaller than the Sibley Brigade, he likely expected to link up with the force at Fort Union. The rest of the men at Fort Craig stayed behind under the command of Kit Carson. Canby planned to strike at Albuquerque, but was delayed by the same weather and supply conditions that dogged the Sibley Brigade. Of course he soon learned of what had happened up north and could only have had his confidence in victory raised.[1] For his part Sibley initially planned to continue his strivings for a Confederate empire in the west, only now he would have to assume a defensive posture while waiting for more support from Texas. He took up a position on the Manzano Mountains from which he could launch a future strike. This position was oriented towards the northeast. To him Slough’s Coloradans were the biggest threat. Slough himself was not planning to move further into New Mexico. He had been shaken by his experience at Pigeon’s Ranch. Despite the destruction of the Texan supply train, Slough had been hard-pressed and almost entrapped several times in the battle. Sibley’s movement left Albuquerque and his supply depot exposed from the south. When he learned that Canby was driving north at him, he realized this new danger and rushed south to save his supplies from the Federals.[2]

Louisa Canby

One such base of supply was in Santa Fe. Louisa Canby, wife of Edward Canby, had been left there when the Texans took over. In the aftermath of Glorieta Pass she took pity on the ragged, wounded Texans and took action. She grabbed several wagons, had cots created in them, and sent them towards Glorieta Pass to recover the wounded still stuck there. One Confederate fondly remembered, “Mrs. Canby won the hearts of all our boys through her kindness to our sick and wounded.” She spent hours every day visiting the wounded, “bringing them delicacies and cheering their drooping spirits with kind words.” She even revealed hidden caches of blankets belonging to the US government, an action which aroused some disgust from Santa Fe’s Unionists. Overall, however, she came out of the campaign with a sterling reputation for kindness and charity.[3] Less fortunate were the Texan wounded down south in Socorro. These recovering survivors of Valverde had not received any fresh supplies and were starving to death. With Canby heading north, Kit Carson found himself in charge of the situation. Carson agreed to rescue the Texans at Socorro with food and other supplies if they in turn surrendered themselves on terms of parole. The agreement was finalized and 10 days’ rations were delivered. However, over 30 Texans refused to surrender even for this bountiful gift and struggled north to unite with Sibley.[4]

The New Mexico Campaign, 1861-1862 Part V: The Battle of Glorieta Pass

The Battle of Apache Canyon

Each army was now based out of a ranch on at an end of Glorieta Pass, the Texans at Johnson’s Ranch and the Federals at Pigeon’s Ranch. Glorieta Pass ran on a northward slant from both east and west, creating a semi-triangular pathway. The Federals’ base of Pigeon’s Ranch was inside the pass itself, creating a narrow, defensible area. The ranch held may buildings and corrals, much of the former made of protective adobe. On the other end, the Texans tried to go to sleep on the night of the 25^th, but this proved difficult thanks to the cold ground. The men were finally able to get some shuteye in the middle of the 26^th, when the sun warmed up the ground. While it was still fairly dark, a Union scouting party encountered four reconnoitering Santa Fe Brigands. The Brigands asked if they were being relieved. The commander of the Federals replied “Yes, we came to relieve you of your arms.” The first encounter of Glorieta Pass was a bloodless surrender.[1]

On the 26^th Chivington and his Coloradan volunteers, as well as elements of the 3^rd U.S. Cavalry, turned the northward bend and headed south into Apache Canyon. At this moment he had over 400 men. Pyron himself led nearly 450 Texans out of camp. Two evenly matched forces were set for a blind collision. Pyron was aware of his blindness, not having heard from his four Brigand scouts since the previous evening. He sent 30 men ahead to investigate along with two artillery pieces (an odd supplement for a scouting force, but as it turned out a smart move). Around 2 PM this tiny force bumped into Chivington’s column. The surprised Texans lost an officer to capture, but were able to unlimber their guns. The Rebels fired off their artillery and the Coloradans went up the two mountainsides on their left and right. This firing alerted and in some cases woke up the rest of Pyron’s men. They temporarily halted the Federal advance with their artillery.[2] Chivington kept most of his men on the slopes. In his official report he claimed that his plan was to lure the enemy in so that they would pass by the hidden men. Then the Federals could descend and surround them. In fact the Confederate were withdrawing, and the ensuing entrapment came about because part of Pyron’s force failed to join the retreat, exposing their flank. The Federals poured into their rear. They formed a line at the mouth of a side canyon, funneling the enemy into one front. Major John Shropshire came to the rescue, riding right through the Federals to rally the men. He urged, “Boys, follow me.” When informed the men did not have enough ammunition to affect a breakout, he countered, “Then take your knives and follow me.” The following escape was largely successful, though not without some losses. Two soldiers tried to hide in a hole, but as the second crawled into it a Federal spotted his legs and pulled. The soldier was dragged out. Coming along with him was the other Texan, who was desperately clinging to his comrade.[3]

The New Mexico Campaign, 1861-1862 Part IV: Into Northern New Mexico

 On to Albuquerque

The Confederate victory at Valverde temporarily halted Union opposition. The Federals prepared for the further Confederate incursions. Canby instructed Major James Donaldson and part the 3^rd U.S. Cavalry to head north and remove or destroy all supplies along Sibley’s route. He further wanted all Union forces in northern New Mexico to consolidate at Fort Union. Fort Union sat at the other end of Apache Canyon, the entryway into Colorado Territory. Donaldson followed his orders, destroying or taking all that was in Santa Fe. Santa Fe itself, despite its importance as the territorial capital, was deemed indefensible because it was surrounded by hills. It would be abandoned for the time being. Once finished, Donaldson joined Colonel Gabriel R. Paul and his 4^th New Mexico Volunteers at Fort Union. The colonel as a veteran of the Mexican War and frontier fighting and noted for his competency. Paul now had under him a company of regular soldiers, two cavalry units, two howitzers, Coloradans (more on them later), and additional New Mexican volunteers under Manuel Chaves, the descendant of a conquistador and a prominent New Mexican himself.[1]

The Sibley Brigade’s first major stop was at Socorro. The march there was very unpleasant. The ground was “deep sand. Our progress was slow as our mules were about worked down and could hardly pull the empty wagons.” The men had to physically help out and push the wheels to keep the wagons moving. The shortage of litters for Valverde’s wounded exacted a further logistical price. Texans had to cut up some of their tents to fashion new litters. The destination was worth it. Socorro was held by Captain Nicolas Pino and 200 Hispanic militiamen. The rebel guns opened fire and most of the militia abandoned Pino. The captain surrendered and the Texans moved in. Socorro provided the first real housing in over a month. The Sibley Brigade stayed there for four days, turning it into a hospital where the wounded could be left. With the wounded there, the Sibley Brigade would be able to move on without their weight slowing them down. One of the wounded, Captain Lang of the lancers, was in such agony that he begged his slave for his revolver. He promptly committed suicide with it. The brigade, aside from the wounded and some doctors and guards, marched out on February 26. These would be brought up later, but were practically at the mercy of Canby’s men should they decide to leave Fort Craig. As Sibley’s Brigade moved, small parties of Federals followed them, but at a “respectful distance.” The Confederates were actually glad to have the enemy nearby, as they were one of the only reliable sources of supplies, meaning they could steal from them through small raids and forays. They also looted the various villages they came across, to ravenous extents. They not only deprived hundreds to thousands of New Mexicans of food, livestock, and tools, but sometimes tore up their roofs and house frames for much-needed wood. Up to this time they lost about 1,000 horses to hard marching effects and Apache raids. In spite of their victory a week earlier, the rank-and-file were in tough straits. They marched with thirst and “gnawing hunger,” with little transportation to haul their baggage. Stragglers lined the route. Even the hard-fighting Lieutenant-Colonel Scurry began to lose heart and made a failed bid to resign. The officers and men of the Sibley Brigade hoped that the capture of Albuquerque would relieve their suffering.[2]

The New Mexico Campaign, 1861-1862 Part III: The Battle of Valverde

Valverde

Canby’s Forces

Canby was aware as early as June 1861 that the Texans were preparing a major invasion of New Mexico. For the first few months of the war, however, he was much more focused on ending an upsurge in Apache and Navajo raids. He sent small teams of soldiers around the territory to skirmish with Navajo warriors and seize their sheep herds. This strategy was starting to yield results when the Texan Confederate threat was confirmed. Though Sibley’s Brigade had many logistical obstacles to overcome, Canby, as was common with Civil War commanders, overestimated the size of the enemy’s and felt he needed more men.[1] Canby requested that Colorado and Utah Territories raise troops, to be sent to him if necessary. Colorado was quicker to respond Recruitment for Coloradan units proceeded at Denver. Hundreds of gold miners, many having not achieved the rich successes they had expected, answered the call. With winter coming in, there would be a halt of mining activity. Unable to make income and for the most part not having stockpiled enough gains, the miners saw a chance to receive guaranteed pay and food, and perhaps some excitement. The first ready unit, Company B of the 2^nd Colorado, fell under the command of West Point graduate Theodore Dodd. Meant to be part of a full regiment, they were already equipped and trained ahead of the other companies in their unit. On January 1, the Coloradans learned that they would not be spending the winter in camp. Canby needed all the help he could get and Dodd was to lead his company to Santa Fe. The men were motivated. They would not only get some adventure, they would ensure that Colorado Territory was represented in the war. As they would go ahead without the rest of their regiment, they came to be known as “Dodd’s Independents.” The Coloradans marched through snow-covered trails in the mountains. The men took their first experience of military campaigning well. They had already led rough, physical lives in their search for gold and would not leave a trail of stragglers and discarded items as many early Civil War armies did.[2] Upon arrival, the Coloradans found New Mexico exotic. They appreciated the native and Mexican architecture and loved the fandangos where they could dance and drink to their heart’s content. On the other hand they did not think much of the inhabitants. They thought the Hispanics a collection of laborers and criminals and a few thought the Anglo-Americans there to be deeply immoral.[3]

They arrived at Fort Craig to find that Canby’s white and Hispanic troops were not getting along with each other very well. The Hispanics felt correctly that they were perceived as inferiors and reacted strongly to insults or perceived slights. They were also concerned that they had made a grievous mistake by agreeing to spend several years in the US Army while their homes were under assault by Indians. The whites were equally flustered thanks to the language barrier. Many Hispanics understood little to no English and it was hard to pass down orders. The New Mexican volunteer units were not a hundred percent Hispanic. Many whites lived in the territory and volunteered as well. Whites in primarily Hispanic volunteer units could understand orders passed down by high-ranking white officers, but their own Hispanic officers might not, resulting in confused disputes regarding orders.[4] Canby was not above prejudices and was determined not to come to battle with Sibley in a way that would require the Hispanics to maneuver under fire. His prejudice, however, was less concerned with any racial or cultural issues and more with the performance of inexperienced men under fire.[5]

The New Mexico Campaign, 1861-1862 Part II: Confederate Arizona and Sibley's Scheme

Confederate Arizona

 

Further Fights with the Federals

By late summer of 1861, the Confederacy had a firm foothold in New Mexico Territory. Confederate Arizona was the first conquest of the emerging nation and it was hoped that it would just be the first of many. Recognizing that Canby’s Union force would soon largely outnumber the Confederates, Baylor appointed native Hispanics to prominent posts in an effort to win over the majority of the population and keep his position secure until more aid could arrive from the east.[1] Even with the establishment of a new government, the violence still raged between Texan and Federal forces. Small groups of Baylor’s men and Federals got into several skirmishes. In these the Texans usually claimed victory. The first such victory came when they beat off a Union raid on a Confederate horse herd. On the night of September 24 a small force of Federal Hispanic volunteers under Captain John H. Minks were investigating the town of Alamosa when they heard what sounded like an Indian war whoop. Instead of Indians they found Texan pickets. After a short firefight the Texans withdrew. The following day Minks found himself and his volunteers in a poor position. The Texan commander, Captain Bethel Coopwood, had been sent to scout the area around Fort Craig and now stood between Minks and safety at his home base. The New Mexican Volunteers made a dash for it, but a good chunk was force into a fight. An hour long firefight ensued, with the Texans enjoying the benefits of two high ridges. The Federals attempted to fight their way out towards Fort Craig. With a spyglass Minks saw that 60 horsemen were about to charge his line.  He surrendered along with a few wagons, but most of his men had already got away, the skirmish giving them time to put some distance towards Fort Craig. The Texans escaped with 2 killed and 10 wounded. In addition to those captured on the 25^th, the Federals lost about a dozen killed and wounded in these engagements.[2]